Alone With the Beloved: the Words of ʿalī B. Al-Ḥusayn Inthe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

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125- Kelsay, Jhon (1993). Islam and War: A Study in Comparative Ethics. Westminster, John Knox Press

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128- Lalani, Arzina (2004) Early Shīʿi Thought; The Teachings of Imam Muḥammad al-Bāqir New York,I.B. Tauris

129- Lane, E.W. (1984) Arabic-English Lexicon, Cambridge, Islamic Texts Society

130- Locke, John (1979) An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Oxford, Clarendon Press

131- Madelung, Wilferd (1997). The Succession to Muḥammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate. Cambridge University Press

132- Merrick, James L. (2005) The Life and Religion of Mohammed as Contained in the Sheeah Traditions Kessinger Publishing

133- Mīr Aḥmed ʿAlī, S.V. (2005) The Holy Qur’ān The Final Testament, Text, with English Translation and Commentary, With Special Notes from Ayatullah Agha Haji Mirza Mahdi Pooya Yazdi, New York, Tahrike Tarsile Qur’ān Inc., Fifth U.S.Edition.

134- Momen, M. (1985) An Introduction to Shīʿi Islam, London/New Haven, Yale University Press

135- Munfarid, ʿAlī Nazari, (1997) Qissal-Karbalā, transl. Alamdar Sayyid Ḥussein (2001) The Story of Karbalā, Qum

136- Muslim, Abul Ḥusayn (1976) Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, Lahore, Muḥammad Ashraf

137- Muṭahhari, M, Ṭabaṭabāī’, M.H., Khumaynī, R. (1991) Light Within Me, Karachi, Islamic Seminary Publications

138- Naqvi, ʿAlī Naqī (1986) Shahīd al-Insāniyyat The Martyr for Mankind, Muḥammadi Trust

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140- Ockley, Simon (2003) The History of the Saracens: Comprising the lives of Mohammed and His Successors, Whitefish, Kessinger Publishing

141- Padwick C. (1996) Muslim Devotions: A Study of Prayer Manuals in Common Use, Oxford, Oneworld Publications

142- Peterson, Daniel (2007) Muḥammad, Prophet of God, Michigan, Wm. B., Eerdmans Publishing Co

143- Qur’ān, (1987) The Qur’ān (transl. and comm. ʿAbdullah Yusuf ʿAlī) Tahrike Tarsile Qur’ān, Elmhurst-New York

144- Rizvi, Seyyid Saeed Akhtar, (1983) Al-Serat: Selected Articles 1975-1983, The Illustrious Period of the Imamate of Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, London, Muḥammadi Trust

145- Roberts, Avens (1988) Corbin’s Interpretation of Imamology & Sufism, Hamdard Islamicus 11/2

146- Schimmel, Annemarie (1986) Al-Serat: the Imam Ḥusayn Conference, London, Muḥammadi Trust

147- Ṭabaṭabāi, Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn (1979) Shīʿite Islam, Suny press, Translated by Seyyed Hossein Nasr

148- Ṭihrānī, Aqā Buzurgh, (1983) Al-Dharīʿa ilā Taṣānīf al-Shīʿa, Beirut, Dār al-Aḍwā’

149- Tirmidhī, Muḥammad b. ʿĪsā, (1983) Sunan al-Tirmidhī wa Huwa al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaḥīḥ, Beirut

150- Turner, Colin. Eds. Luft, J.P. & Turner, Colin Aspects of Devotional Life in Twelwer Shīʿism – The Practice of Duʿā (2008) Abingdon, Oxon. Routledge

151- Van Donzel, E (1994) Islamic Desk Reference, Leiden E.J. Brill

152- Watt, M (1961) Muḥammad, Prophet and Statesman Oxford

153- Zeitlin, Irving M. (2007) The Historical Muḥammad Polity

Notes

1 Ibn al-Ḥusayn, ʿAlī (Zayn al-‛Ābidīn) (1988) Al-Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (The Psalms of Islam), (Trans.& Introd. by William Chittick) London, Muhammadi Trust

2 Van Donzel, E (1994) Islamic Desk Reference, Leiden E.J. Brill The term Shīʿa (lit. party, group), is used to denote the general name for a group of various Muslim sects, the starting point of which is the recognition of the Prophet’s son in-law ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib as the legitimate caliph after the death of the Prophet, the followers of whom were called Shīʿat ʿAlī (the party or followers of ʿAlī). More than ʿAlī, who is considered as the first Imam and was assassinated in 40/661, it was his son al-Ḥusayn, killed in 61/680 by government troops, that was the seed of the Shīʿa.

There are two major groups of believers in amongst the Shīʿa, with the majority (primarily found in Iran and Iraq) following the Twelver (Imami Ithnā ʿAsharī) version. The term "Shīʿa " is often taken to be synonymous with the Twelvers. There are also several forms of Sevener Shīʿa sects, the largest being known as Ismāʿilis. The Seveners and Twelvers differ regarding the rights of succession after the death of Muḥammad, but they agree on the unlawful usurpation of the rightful authority of Muḥammad's family and descendants. Other minor groups exist that grew out of the Shīʿa, such as the Zaydis who believe in the same first four Imams as the Twelvers and Seveners, but differ on the fifth.

They are thus known as Fivers. According to the Twelvers, the twelve descendants of ʿAlī are Imams and have a special status; they are less than the Prophet, but higher than ordinary mortals. They are regarded as direct corporeal and spiritual successors of the Prophet, infallible, divinely inspired, and chosen directly by God by designation - naṣṣ. Both major Shīʿa sects believe that the last Imam (either the Seventh or the Twelfth) is in occultation, kept alive by God. For our purpose, when making reference to Shīʿa, it is meant to be the Twelvers unless otherwise specified.

3 Ibn al-Ḥusayn, ʿĀlī (Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn) (1988) Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), (Transl.& Introd. by William Chittick) London, Muhammadi Trust

4 The Risāla is believed to be a treatise in the form of a reply from ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn to one of his disciples. The treatise discusses rights of subjects and objects while covering a wide range of issues, such as the right of God upon His creatures, to the rights of different human beings in various positions in society with concern to their relationship to each other. At closer study and from the other side of the same coin, these rights are translated to mean duties and obligations the human beings ought to undertake and uphold towards each other and God, in order to achieve individual and social harmony and balance.

5 Q. 33:33-4, 19:58, 6:84-9, 37:76-7, 57:26, 11:71-3, 4:54

6 Q. 33:33

7 Q. 6:84-9

8 For further elaboration on the Shīʿi view on Imamate see footnote in following chapter under How Imamate Came to him

9 Madelung, The Succession, pp. 16-17

10 Watt, Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (Oxford, 1961), pp. 35-6

11 Q.2:128-30, also refer to Naqvī, ʿAllāhma ʿAlī Naqī Shahīd al-Insāniyyat The Martyr for Mankind (hereafter referred to as Naqvi) p. [^1]: Also note interchangeable use for Abraham and Ibrāhīm. Also see Q. 3:68 where it reads: ‘Without doubt, among men, the nearest of kin to Abraham, are those who follow him, as are also this Messenger and those who believe: And Allāh is the Protector of those who have faith.’ Also see 22:78

12 Many aspects and rituals during the Ḥajj, Pilgrimage to Mecca, are imitations of the acts of Abraham, such as the slaughter of the sacrificial animal in Mina which is also commemorated by Muslims around the world as the ʿĪd al-ʿadḥa or ʿĪd al-qurbān, the festival of sacrifice.

13 Q. 37:[^102]: Then, when (the son) reached (the age of) (serious) work with him, he said: "O my son! I see in vision that I offer thee in sacrifice: Now see what is thy view!" (The son) said: "O my father! Do as thou art commanded: thou will find me, if Allāh so wills one practising Patience and Constancy!"

Mīr Aḥmed ʿAlī, S.V. (2005) The Holy Qur’ān The Final Testament, Text, with English Translation and Commentary, With Special Notes from Ayatullāh Āgha Ḥāji Mirzā Mahdī Pooya Yazdī, New York, Tahrike Tarsile Qur’ān Inc., Fifth U.S. Edition. In his commentary regarding this verse Mahdī Pooya states: “Sleep is a state of partial

consciousness for the prophets of Allāh, so their dreams come true and are fulfilled. What Ibrāhīm, as a prophet of Allāh, saw in his dream [to sacrifice his son Ismāʿīl] was as valid as an experience in wakefulness. Ibrāhīm told Ismāʿīl what he saw in the dream as an indication, and Ismāʿīl accepted it as an imperative.”

14 Q. 37:103-8, also see Naqvi, p. 1,. Also see Mīr Aḥmed ʿAlī, S.V. (2005), where Mahdī Pooya states: “What Imam Ḥusayn bin ʿAlī saw in his dream in Madina was also an imperative. The Holy Prophet asked him: ‘Go to Iraq and give your life in the cause of Allāh, because Allāh has so willed.’

In the case of Ismāʿīl the sacrifice was stopped but the sacrifice Ḥusayn offered was accepted by Allāh as dhibḥin aẓīm according to verse [^107]:” For further elaboration on these verses also refer to Ṭabāṭabāi’s monumental exegesis al-Mīzān.

15 Mīr Aḥmed ʿAlī, S.V. (2005), MIr Aḥmed ʿAlī states in his commentary about verse 107 states that;

“... the sacrifice with which Ismāʿīl was ransomed is described as great by Allāh, therefore it must be great in [an] absolute degree. An ordinary ram by no means, in any sense whatsoever, can be termed as great; moreover under no circumstances a ram can be greater than Ismāʿīl son of Ibrāhīm, both the most distinguished prophets of Allāh, in whose progeny Allāh had appointed His divinely commissioned Imams (see commentary of Baqarah : 124). The ransom, therefore, is essentially a great sacrifice Allāh had kept in store for [the] future when the religion of Allāh would be perfected and completed after the advent of the Holy Prophet.

It was indeed a great and momentous occasion when two men of God stood ready to offer to Allāh that which was dearest to them to seek His pleasure, then Allāh puts off this great manifestation of "devotion and surrender to His will" which was the real purpose of the trial (not blood and flesh) to a future date, so that the "devotion and surrender to Allāh's will" should be demonstrated in a greater style and degree than what Ibrāhīm and Ismāʿīl could. This type of service Imam Husayn performed, many ages later, in 60 A.H., and as he was a descendant of Ibrāhīm and Ismāʿīl the credit of "the great sacrifice" goes to them also...a close study of which makes clear that his sacrifice has been rightly mentioned as dhibḥin aẓīm in this verse.” For further elaboration on these verses also refer to Ṭabāṭabāi’s monumental exegesis al-Mīzān.

16 Ibid. For further reading on Iqbāl’s poetry on Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī also see: Schimmel, Annemarie (1986) Al-Serat, Vol XII, Harvard University

17As for verse 107 the Tafsīr al-Jalālayn states: Then We ransomed him, the one whom he had been commanded to sacrifice, namely, Ishmael or Isaac — two different opinions — with a mighty sacrifice, [a mighty] ram from Paradise, the same one that Abel had offered as sacrifice: Gabriel, peace be upon him, brought it and the lord Abraham sacrificed it as he cried, Allāhu Akbar, ‘God is Great’. The tafsīr of Ibn Kathīr narrates a report from Ibn ʿAbbās with a similar meaning as “A ram which had grazed in Paradise for forty years.'' As for verse 108 the Tafsīr al-Jalālayn and Tanwīr al-Miqbās min tafsīr al-ʿAbbās both relate the verse to mean praise for Abraham to come in later generations.

18 Al-Mufīd, al-Irshād under the section of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, al-Ḥakīm in Mustadrak, page 483, Vol. III., Nūr al-Dīn b. Sabbāgh al-Mālikī in Fusūl al-muhimma, Part 1, p.[^14]:, Muhammad ibn Talḥa al-Shāfiʿī in Maṭālib al-sa'ūl, page 11. Among modern historians, both stating that ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib was born inside the Kaʿba see; Al-Akkād ʿAbbās Mahmūd (2006) Al-'Abqariya al-Imam ʿAlī, Beirut, Almaktaba al-asriyya, and Muḥammad Sayyid al-Ṭanṭāwī (2001) Min Faḍāi’l al-ʿAshrat al-Mubashshirīn bil Janna, Beirut.

19 The migration to Medina would still not bring an end to the aggression of the Quraysh and resulted in continued confrontations. There are numerous accounts of ʿAlī’s courage, valor, chivalry and contributions on the battlefield where he was prominent. His fame grew with every battle as well as the fact that he single-handedly, destroyed many of Arabia's most famous and feared warriors wielding the legendary bifurcated sword known as Dhu-l fiqār. In the battle of Uhud he had the special role of protecting Muhammad when most of the Muslim army fled from the battlefield and where the famous slogan was coined: There is no brave youth except ʿAlī and there is no sword which renders service except Dhu-l fiqār. Ibn al-Athīr, ʿAlī, Al-Kāmil fī al-Tarīkh, vol. 3, p. [^107]: For further references also see Ashraf, Shahid (2005) Encyclopedia of Holy Prophet and Companions Anmol Publications PVT. Ltd, p. 36, pp 66-68. Merrick, James L. (2005) The Life and Religion of

Mohammed as Contained in the Sheeah Traditions Kessinger Publishing, p. 247; Zeitlin, Irving M. (2007) The Historical Muhammad Polity, p.134

20 Ibn Isḥāq, p. 223; Naqvi p. 3

21 Q. 2:[^207]: Mīr Aḥmed ʿAlī, S.V. (2005) in his commentary narrates this incident as follows:

“Thalabi, Ghazali, the author of Aḥyā-ul ʿUlūm, and all the Shīʿa commentators say that this verse was revealed to praise ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, when he slept in the bed of the Holy Prophet, during the night of hijrat. Immediately after the death of Abū Ṭālib, Abū Sufyān, the chief of the branch of ʿUmayyah, succeeded to the principality of Makka. A zealous votary of the idols, a mortal foe of the line of Hāshim, he convened an assembly of the Quraysh and their allies. All tribal heads held a conference on the instigation of Abū Sufyān and Abū Jahl. It was resolved that one man from every tribe should go to the Holy Prophet's house in the darkness of the night and kill him jointly, in order to divide the guilt, and baffle the vengeance of the Banī Hāshim. In the stupidity of their ignorance, they forgot that Allāh is seeing, hearing, and His hand (ʿĀlī) was alive, who, from his earliest days, had committed himself to save the Holy Prophet at all costs. In the dark night, the conspirators surrounded the house of the Holy Prophet. Meanwhile, Allāh commanded the Holy Prophet to leave Makka at once and go to Madina.

The Holy Prophet intimated ʿAlī of the divine plan and asked him to lie down on his bed, in order to lead the enemies into thinking that it was the Holy Prophet himself who was sleeping, thus giving him enough time to go away from Makka (unnoticed). ʿAlī asked the Holy Prophet if his lying down in his bed would save the Holy Prophet's life, to which he answered in the affirmative. So ʿAlī lay down on the Holy Prophet's bed, covering himself with his blanket. ʿAlī made a willing choice of certain death, as the blood-thirsty enemies were lurking around the house to kill the Holy Prophet in his bed at any time during the night.”

22 The actual date of the marriage is unclear, but likely took place in 623, although some sources say it was in [^622]: USC-MSA Compendium of Muslim Texts, Fatimah, EI. Brill

23Saḥiḥ Bukhārī, vol. 2, pp. 74, 185, 189; Saḥiḥ Muslim, vol. 2, p. 290; Naqvi, p. 4

Again Shīʿa commentators uphold that the choice of ʿAlī as her spouse was by divine dispensation and command, as the Prophet would not do anything except by divine command: “Your Companion is neither astray nor being misled. Nor does he say (aught) of (his own) desire. It is no less than inspiration sent down to him”. Q. 53:2-[^4]: Fāṭimah’s own position and standing would further be laid out by the many honorific titles given to her, among them from her father Muhammad Such as Sayyidat al-nisā al-ʿālamīn (the leader of all the ladies of the worlds), Umm abihā (Mother of her father), Siddiqā (the truthful), Ṭāhira (the pure) and so forth. Amīn, Hassan (1968–73) Islamic Shīʿite Encyclopedia Beirut, Slim Press, Vol. 4. p.98

24Ibn Isḥāq, al-Sīra; Madelung, Wilferd (1997) The Succession to Muhammad Cambridge University Press

25 Al-Ṭabarī, Tarīkh, vol 1, p. 1817; al-Yaʿqūbī, Tarīkh (Beirut, n.d.) vol. 2, pp. 123 ff.; Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 3, pp. 110 ff. Also refer to later sources such as Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī al-ta’rīkh (Beirut, 1997), and Al-Ṣuyūtī, Ta’rīkh al-khulafā

26 Even during the lifetime of the Prophet there are claims there was a group very attached to ʿAlī who on that account came to be known as the Shīʿa of ʿAlī See al-Rāzi, Kitāb al-zīna, and Āl-Nawbakhtī, Firāq al-shīʿa, p. 15

27 Al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. M. Ḥamīdullāh (Cairo, 1959) vol. 1, pp. 579-91; al-Ṭabarī, Ta’rīkh, vol. 1, pp. 1837-45; Ibn Hishām, Sīrat Rasūl Allāh, ed. M. Saqqā et. al. (Cairo, 1936), vol. 4, pp. 307-10; al-Yaʿqūbī, Ta’rīkh, vol. 2, pp. 123-6

28 A part of which is as follows: “...At that moment, nothing took me by surprise, but the crowd of people rushing to me. It advanced towards me from every side like the mane of the hyena so much so that Ḥasan and Ḥusayn were getting crushed and both the ends of my shoulder garment were torn.

They collected around me like the herd of sheep and goats. When I took up the reins of government one party broke away and another turned disobedient while the rest began acting wrongfully as if they had not heard the word of Allāh saying: That abode in the hereafter, We assign it for those who intend not to exult themselves in the earth, nor (to

make) mischief (therein); and the end is (best) for the pious ones. (Q.28:83)Yes, by Allāh, they had heard it and understood it but the world appeared glittering in their eyes and its embellishments seduced them. Behold, by Him who split the grain (to grow) and created living beings, if people had not come to me and supporters had not exhausted the argument and if there had been no pledge of Allāh with the learned to the effect that they should not acquiesce in the gluttony of the oppressor and the hunger of the oppressed I would have cast the rope of Caliphate on its own shoulders, and would have given the last one the same treatment as to the first one. Then you would have seen that in my view this world of yours is no better than the sneezing of a goat...” Nahj al-Balāgha, sermon 3

29 Madelung, Wilferd (1997) The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate Cambridge University Press, pp. 313 and [^314]: Madelung further describes the status quo; “ʿUmayyad highhandedness, misrule and repression were gradually to turn the minority of ʿAlī's admirers into a majority. In the memory of later generations ʿAlī became the ideal Commander of the Faithful. In face of the fake ʿUmayyad claim to legitimate sovereignty in Islam as God's Vice-regents on earth, and in view of ʿUmayyad treachery, arbitrary and divisive government, and vindictive retribution, they came to appreciate his [ʿAlī's] honesty, his unbending devotion to the reign of Islam, his deep personal loyalties, his equal treatment of all his supporters, and his generosity in forgiving his defeated enemies.”, pp. 309-10

30 Qarashī mentions that ʿAlī b. al-Husayn’s grandfather ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib or father Husayn b. ʿAlī hurried at his birth arrival to perform the religious rites of birth by reciting the adhān (call to prayer) in the right ear and the iqāma (second imminent call to prayer) in the left ear. On the seventh day of his birth, his father sacrificed a ram for him (in the ceremony of aqīqa), cut his hair and distributed silver or gold as equal to weight of the hair as alms to the poor and needy according to the Prophetic traditions.Qarashī p. 13-14

31 Al-Mufīd, Abū ʿAbdullāh Muḥammad, Kitāb al-Irshad, Qum, Ansariyan Publications

32 Al-Qarashī, B (1988) Ḥayāt al-Imam Zayn al-‛Ābidīn, Beirut, Dar al-adwa’ and Al-Amīn, H. Aʿyān al-Shīʿa

33 Ibn Khallikān, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad (1970) Wafayāt al-aʿyān wa anbā’ abnā’ al-zamān, vol. III, Beirut, Dar Sādir

34 Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān wa anbā’ abnā’ al-zamān, vol. III

35 One day a servant said to him, “O son of God's Messenger! Is it not time for your sorrow to come to an end?” He replied, “Woe upon you! Jacob the prophet had twelve sons, and God made one of them disappear. His eyes turned white from constant weeping, his head turned grey out of sorrow, and his back became bent in gloom, though his son was alive in this world. But I watched while my father, my brother, my uncle, and seventeen members of my family were slaughtered all around me. How should my sorrow come to an end?” See introduction of Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam)

36 Al-Mufīd, Kitāb al-Irshād

37 Padwick, C. Muslim Devotions

38 Al-Amīn, H. Aʿyān al-shīʿa and Al-Mufīd, Kitāb al-Irshād

39 Padwick, C. Muslim Devotions 40Al-Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, p. 18, He reports that: “He (Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn) was born weak and thin. Gleams as faint as dim worry appeared in his eyes. These broken gleams indicated coming grief.” Qarashī p. 13

41 Qarashī, p. 20

42 Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, p. 19, Qarashī p. 21

43 EI. Vol XI, p. 482

44 Qarashī, p. 21

45 Al-Ṣirāṭ al-Sawī fī Manāqib āl al-Nabī, p. 192

46 Tārīkh al-Dimishq, vol 36 p. [^142]: There are other similar reports attributed to the Prophet though with the variation of the agnomen Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn (the ornament of worshippers) ʿIlal al-Sharāyiʿ, p. 87, Bihar vol 46, p. 3. However there are opinions opposing such views such as Ibn Taymīyya who states that; “this does not have any source, and that the knowledgeable people have not narrated it.” Minhāj al-sunna, vol. 2, p. 123, Qarashī, p. 16. There are several other agnomina that ʿAlī b. al-Husayn became known by through his lifetime apart from the two most famous Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn and Sayyid al-ʿĀbidīn

such as; Dhū al-Thafanāt, al-Sajjād, al-Zakī, al-Amīn and Ibn al-Khiyaratayn. Qarashī pp 17-20

47 Nasr explains this concept as follows: “Shīʿism was not brought into existence only by the question of the political succession to Muhammad as so many Western works claim (although this question was of course of great importance). The problem of political succession may be said to be the element that crystallized the Shīʿites into a distinct group, and political suppression in later periods, especially the martyrdom of Imam Husayn-upon whom be peace-only accentuated this tendency of the Shīʿites to see themselves as a separate community within the Islamic world. The principal cause of the coming into being of Shīʿism, however, lies in the fact that this possibility existed within the Islamic revelation itself and so had to be realized. Inasmuch as there were exoteric [Ẓāhirī] and esoteric [Bāṭinī] interpretations from the very beginning, from which developed the schools (madh'hab) of the Sharia and Sufism in the Sunnī world, there also had to be an interpretation of Islam, which would combine these elements in a single whole. This possibility was realized in Shīʿism, for which the Imam is the person in whom these two aspects of traditional authority are united and in whom the religious life is marked by a sense of tragedy and martyrdom... Hence the question which arose was not so much who should be the successor of Muhammad as what the function and qualifications of such a person would be.” Nasr, Shīʿite Islam, preface, pp. 9 and 10

48 Qarashī p. 24

49 Bihar, vol. 46, p. [^46]: For further reading also see commentaries in Q. 21:68-71, 29:24, 37:97-98

50 A succinct account of Imamat in Shīʿa belief is found in the translators forward of “The Story of Karbalā” by ʿAlī Nazari Munfarid, translated by Sayyid Hussein Alamdar and is given here as follows:

“Imamat: The position of leadership in religious and civil matters in Islamic society is known as imamat, and the holder is known as the imam. It is the belief of Shīʿi Muslims that Allāh the Almighty must have designated an imam for the people after the death of the Holy Prophet (peace be with him and his family) to uphold the culture and laws of the religion and to guide people on the way of truth.

The term imam as used in a technical sense in Shīʿism differs from general usage of [the] term in Arabic, where it means ‘leader’ or in Sunnī political theory where it means the caliph himself. As used technically in Shi’ism the term refers to the person who contains within himself the ‘Muhammedanlight’ which was handed down through Fāṭima (peace be upon her), the daughter of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him and his family), and ʿAlī (peace be upon him) the first imam to the others terminating with the hidden imam who is to appear again one day as the awaited al-Mahdī (peace be upon him). As a result of the presence of the light, the imam is considered to be sinless ma’sum and to possess perfect knowledge of the esoteric as well [as] the exoteric order.

The imams are like [a] chain of light issuing from the ‘Sun of Prophecy’ which is their origin, and yet they are never separated from the ‘Sun’. Whatever is said by them emanates from the same inviolable treasury of inspired wisdom. Since they are an extension of the inner reality of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him and his family), their words really go back him. That is why their sayings are seen in the Shīʿite perspective as an extension of the Prophetic ḥadīth, just as the light of their being is seen as [a] continuation of the Prophetic light. In Shīʿite eyes, the temporal separation of the imams from the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him and his family) does not at all effect their essential and inner bond with him or the continuity of the ‘Prophetic-light’ which is the source of his as well [as] their inspired knowledge. Munfarid, ʿAlī Nazari,( 1997) Qissal-Karbalā, transl. Alamdar Sayyid Hussein (2001) The Story of Karbalā, Qum

51 It was on the 19th in the month of Ramadan, in the Great Mosque of Kūfa while worshipping that the assassination attempt on ʿAlī made by the Khawārij ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān b. Muljam. The poison coated sword of Ibn Muljam severely wounded him during prostration in the Morning prayer. See Ṭabaṭabāi, Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn (1979). Shīʿite Islam. Suny press.Translated by Seyyed Hossein Nasr. P.[^192]:

At this ʿAlī gave an order to his sons that they should not attack the Khārijis, stipulating instead that if he survived, pardon would be given to his attacker Ibn Muljam, and if he

died, only one equal stroke should be given to him (regardless of whether or not he dies from the it). See Kelsay, Jhon (1993).

Islam and War: A Study in Comparative Ethics. Westminster, John Knox Press. P. [^92]:

A few days later after the attack, ʿAlī died on February 28, 661 (21 in the month of Ramadan 40 A.H).

The qiṣāṣ (lit. equal retaliation) was fulfilled by his son Ḥasan and equal punishment was meted out to Ibn Muljim as had been stipulated according to ʿAlī’s wish. See Madelung, Wilferd (1997). The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate. Cambridge University Press.

52 Qarashī p. [^24]: Furthermore the famous Shīʿa traditionist al-Kulaynī (d. 328 or 329/939 or 940) records a narration in his magnum opus al-Kāfī, that ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib appointed his son Hasan as the Imam and gave him the tablets of the prophets and asked his sons Ḥusayn and Muḥammad b al-Ḥanafiyya and his other sons as well as the chiefs of his followers to bear witness to that. He then told Ḥusayn; “You are the one who will undertake the office of the Imamate after your brother al-Ḥasan, and Allāh ’s Messenger ordered you to give the tablets (of the prophets) to your son Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, for he will be the ḥujja (proof) after you.” He then took ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn who was still a child by the hand and said to him; “Allāh ’s Apostle, may Allāh bless him and his family, ordered you to designate your son, Muḥammad al-Bāqir, as an Imam after you, and recite to him the greetings of Allāh ’s Apostle and that of mine.” Qarashī p. 89-90, Also see Al-Kāfī in The Chapter of textual Imamate of al-Ḥasan On the ‘Prophetic Tablets’ see Al-Majlisī, Muḥammad Bāqir. Ḥayāt al-Qulūb Stories of the Prophets:

Characteristics and Circumstances of the Prophets and their Successors, Qum,Ansariyan Publications

53 Kifāyat al-Athar, p. 311, Al-Tūṣī, al-Ghayba, p. 105, Mukhtasar al-Baṣā’ir, p. 39, Kitāb Salīm b. Qays, p.94

54 Qarashī also mentions another report from al-Zuhrī (d. 124/742 ) which states: “I was with al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī when ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn al-Asghar (i.e. Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn ) came in. So al-Ḥusayn called him, embraced him and kissed him between his eyes. I (i.e. al-Zuhrī) turned to Imam al-Ḥusayn and asked him, son of Allāh’s Apostle, who will be the Imam after you? Al-Ḥusayn replied: ‘This son of mine, ʿAlī, will be the Imam. He is the father of the Imams.’” See Qarashī p. 90

55 There is also a very interesting account that Seyyid Saeed Akhtar Rizvī discusses when Muḥammad al-Ḥanafiyya who was Ḥusayns brother from their father ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, made the claim for the Imamate after the death of Ḥusayn on the proviso that Ḥusayn had become Imam after the death of his elder brother, and thus he would now become the Imam after his brother Ḥusayn. ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn rejected this claim by declaring that he was the Imam by divine appointment.

Apparently this difference would not come to a resolve and finally ʿAlī b. al-Husayn suggested that the Ḥajar al-Aswad (the black stone attached in the corner of the Kabʿa) should be approached for ultimate judgment. This was agreed by Muḥammad al-Ḥanafiyya and both parties went to Mecca during the season for pilgrimage when thousands of pilgrims had gathered.

Rizvi comments on the very extraordinary situation and says: “The stranger than fiction news must have spread like a wild fire that ʿAlī b. al-Husayn and Muḥammad al-Ḥanafiyya wanted the ‘Black Stone’ to judge between them. Everyone must have wondered how a stone could judge between two people. They must have eagerly waited to see the outcome when the two parties would approach the stone. What would they say when the stone being a stone, would not respond to their arguments!” In front of what must have been a much anticipating crowd both uncle and nephew advanced towards the ‘Black Stone’ and Muḥammad al-Ḥanafiyya first addressed it, however without receiving any response. Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn then said to his uncle; “Had you O uncle, been the waṣī (successor) and the Imam, it would certainly have answered you.” Muhammad al-Ḥanafiyya then replied and said; “Now O nephew, you pray and ask it.” ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn then prayed to God and then asked the ‘Black Stone’ to declare in clear Arabic as to who would be the wasi and the Imam after Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī. There was a tremor in the stone and then it spoke in clear Arabic saying; “O Allāh, verily Wiṣāya (succession) and Imāma, after al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī is for Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, son of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and Fāṭima bint Rasūlillā”.

Muḥammad al-Ḥanafiyya accepted the judgment and subsequently declared his allegiance to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as the Imam and waṣī. Rizvi further comments and says; “...the miraculous nature of the episode and the timing served its purpose. The pilgrims on returning to their homes must have felt compelled to narrate this strange story; and thus the Shīʿas throughout the Muslim world would come to know, without any formal proclamation, that Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn was their divinely-appointed leader and guide.” Rizvi, Seyyid Saeed Akhtar, (1979) Al-Serat vol, 5, no’s 3-4, The illustrious period of the Imamate of Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn. Also see Ṭabraṣī al-Iḥtijāj, al-Kulaynī al-Kāfi, Baṣā’ir al-Darajāt, Iʿlam al-Warā, Ibn Shahrāshūb Manāqib, Majlisi Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 11

56 Ibn Khalikān, Wafayat al-aʿyān, vol.3, p.[^269]:

57 Qarashī, p. 104, Ḥayat Imam Muḥammad al-Bāqir

58 Qarashī, p.104, Tā’rikh Dimishq, vol. 36, p. 147

59 Qarashī, p.[^104]: Al-Asfahānī, al-Afghānī Abū Farrāj Khulāsat Tahdīb al-Kamāl, vol.15, p.325

60 Qarashī, p.105

61 Qarashī p. 105, Tā’rikh Dimishq, vol. 36, p. 140

62 Qarashī, p.105-6, Ilal al-Sharāyʿi, p. 88, Wasā’il al-Shīʿa, vol. 5, p. 541, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 46, p.64

63 Qarashī p. 108, Safīnat al-Biḥār, vol. 1, p. 571

64 Qarashī p. 109, Al-Mufīd, al-Amālī, p. 117

65 Qarashī p. 110, Al-Himyārī, Diwān, p. 362

66 At one occasion he met with ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn and found him to be fatigued and weak due to excessive worship and said to him in astonishment; “Exertion has appeared on your face while Allāh has already promised to grant you good, you are a part of Allāh ’s Messenger, may Allāh bless him and his family, your lineage is close to him, your means is certain, you have outstanding merits over the people of your House and time, and you are endowed with virtues, knowledge, religion and piety with which none before you or after you has ever been endowed with except your previous ancestors.”Qarashī p. 111, Al-Majlisi, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 46, p. 75

67 As the Imam approached the people just made way and a path was clear for him with respect, however Hishām, being who he was, still had to struggle his way through the crowds. He was deeply offended at this, and sarcastically inquired who this man was that had been given such respect and preference by the people. Farazdaq, being present at the scene with Hishām, when hearing this remark, composed the famous ode spontaneously and recited it addressing Hishām b. ʿAbdul Malik stating:

This is he whose ability the valley (of Mecca) recognises, and whom the (sacred) House recognises (as do) the sanctuary al-hill, and the area outside the sanctuary. This is the son of the best of all Allāh’s servants. This is the pure pious man, the pure eminent man. When he comes to touch the corner of the wall of the Kaʿba, it almost grasps the palm of his hand. He takes care to be modest and he is protected from his error (i.e. ʿisma/maʿsūm). He only speaks when he smiles. None of mankind has within their souls such primacy as he does nor such grace as he does. Whoever knows Allāh, knows His friend walī. Religion is from the House of this man. Ibn Khalliqān, (1996) Wafayāt al-aʿyān wa-anbāʾ abnāʾ al-zamān. New Delhi, Kitab Bhavan, pp.119-[^21]: Nihāyat al-Aʿrāb, vol. 21, pp. 331. Lalani, Arzina (2004) Early Shīʿi Thought; The Teachings of Imam Muhammad al-Bāqir New York, I.B. Tauris, p. 45

68 “As for ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, he was among the leading figures of the next generation [tabiʿīn] in knowledge and religion. He had humility, secret alms [i.e. he would give out alms in secret without anyone’s knowledge in a way that the people who received the alms would not even know who their benefactor was] and other qualities. He was famous.” Qarashī p. 118, Minhāj al-Sunna, vol. 2, p. 123

69 It is remarked that we are the beings of our experiences, meaning that influences surrounding us have a related and sometimes very considerable impact in shaping our beings, such as political, social, economical, domestic and other influences. For further information see Ibn Ṭufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Malik and Gauthier, Léon (1981), Risāla Ḥayy ibn Yaqzān, p. 5, Editions de la Méditerranée and the writings of; Locke, John. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Book 2, Ch. 9

There can be little doubt concerning the significance of situations and events in the life of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, events from his infancy and early childhood, as a teenager and as an adult and their effect on him. The question may rather be how and to what degree they impacted him. Among the major events as mentioned earlier, we find him becoming orphaned at an early age, bearing the lineage and heritage of his father Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī, grandfather ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, and great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad, together with the political and social situations surrounding them and him. Not the least, the influence of the theological position in which he was considered to be part of a vital link as the Imam, according to the Shīʿa. However it can almost certainly be said that the most overwhelming experience in his life must have been the events of Karbalā.

For further information see Ibn Ṭufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Malik and Gauthier, Léon (1981), Risalat Ḥayy ibn Yaqzān, p. 5, Editions de la Méditerranée and the writings of; Locke, John. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Book 2, Ch. 9

70 Interestingly, al-Ṭabarī reports in his al-Ta’rikh the legend of the birth of Hāshim, Muḥammad’s great grandfather and ʿAbd Shams, father of ʿUmayya, who were both born as twins and were conjoined, as the finger of one was stuck to the forehead of the other. In order to separate the infants the finger was severed and resulted in a wound with the ensuing flowing of blood. The blood that had flowed from this wound was taken as the ominous foreshadowing of the bloodshed between their descendants. Ever since, Muḥammad, his family and followers were meted with and offered great resistance and difficulty from the ʿUmayyad’s. Ṭabarī, al-Ta’rīkh, I 1089, Naqvi, p. [^5]: Later as the years passed ʿUmayya, vying for popularity and position would create ill-will and antagonise his much held popular uncle Hāshim. During a time when a famine struck Mecca, Hāshim provided the residents with plentiful supplies in the form of bread broken in soup (being one of the opinions leading to his title Hāshim). This won him great popularity and acclaim; however it only further greatly spurred ʿUmayya’s jealousy against his uncle. ʿUmayya in order to win position attempted to match this grand sense of munificence; however his motives were soon foiled and traced, being considered as unworthy.

ʿUmayya, in a state of discomfiture confronted and challenged Hāshim before an independent referee, in order to contest Hāshim’s claim of superiority. Out of the conditions in this contest was that the unsuccessful party would have to be exiled from Mecca for a period of ten years. Subsequently the referee ruled against ʿUmayya, who accordingly had to leave the city of Mecca and retired in Syria.

Further to the narrative of the birth of Hāshim and ʿAbd Shams, in this way, the enmity between the Hāshimis and ʿUmayyads had sprang which would last for generations to come. However, an even greater and shattering blow to the ʿUmayyad prestige was the birth of Muḥammad, for now from the house of Hāshim there was a prophet.Ṭabarī, al-Ta’rīkh, I 1090, Naqvi, p. 5

71 For further reference to the peace treaty see; Āl Yāsin, Shaykh Rāḍī (1997) Sulḥ al-Ḥasan: The Peace Treaty of al-Ḥasan Qum, Ansariyan Publications. Madelung TheSuccession, pp. 324-[^25]:

Tabatabaei, (1979), p.196

72 Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzāq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications, pp. 21–33

73 Ibid. P. 32

74 Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzāq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications, in Ch. [^1]: The statement is also found with the following addition; “... I look upon death as but the felicity of martyrdom and I regard life among oppressors and transgressors as nothing but agony and torture. By God I will never give you my hand like a man who has been defeated; nor will I flee like a slave.’’Also see Hadīyyat al-Dabab, p. 111

75 Ṭabarī, II 233-[^5]: Howard, I.K.A. (1975) Events and Circumstances Surrounding the Martyrdom of al-Ḥusain b. ʿAlī al-Serat Journal, Vol 1, 1975, no. 2, The Muhammadi Trust of Great Britain. Halm (2004), p.13

76 Ṭabarī, II 264-[^71]: Howard, I.K.A. (1975) Events and Circumstances Surrounding the Martyrdom of al-Ḥusain b. ʿAlī. Ch. 5

77 Ibid.

78Al-Gulpaygānī, Shaykh Lutfullāh Ṣāfī (1954) Muntakhab al-athār fī akhbār al-Imam al-Thāni ʿAshar, Maktabat al-Būdhar Jumhūrī. pp. [^304]: Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzaq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications. P. 130

79 Al-Ṭabarī, Al-Tārīkh vol. 6, p. [^177]:, Ibn Nama. Muthīr al-aḥzān. p. 89

80 We find the following narration of his address:” The death is a certainty for mankind, just like the trace of [a] necklace on the neck of young girls. And I am enamored of my ancestors like eagerness of Jacob to Joseph Everyone, who is going to devote his blood for our sake and is prepared to meet Allāh, must depart with us...” Ibn Ṭāwūs, Sayyid, Luhūf Tradition no.72

81 Before leaving Medina Ḥusayn left his will with his brother Muḥammad b. Ḥanafiyya, and stated his intentions and objectives in order to refute the rumours instigated by the ʿUmayyads that he had risen for attaining power and government and to disunite people. His will read:

“This is the will of al-Ḥusayn Ibn ʿAlī to his brother Muḥammad Ibn al-Ḥanafiyya. Al-Ḥusain testifies that there is no god except Allāh, the One and Only God, Who has no partner, and that Muhammad is His servant and Messenger who brought the truth from Him, that Paradise is true, and that Hell is true, that the Hour [of reckoning] is approaching; there is no doubt about it, and that Allāh will resurrect those in the graves.

I did not march out exultingly, nor recklessly, nor seeking to make corruption in the land, nor to oppress anyone. Rather, I marched out seeking to reform my grandfather's nation. I desire to enjoin what is right and to forbid what is wrong [amr bi-l maʿrūf wa nahī ʿani-l munkar] and to follow the Sunna of my grandfather and of my father ʿAlī Ibn Abu Ṭālib. So, whoever accepts me an acceptance of righteousness, Allāh is the Master of what is right, and whoever refuses, I shall persevere till Allāh judges between me and the people; surely He is the best of judges. This is my will to you, brother, and my success comes only from Allāh ; upon Him do I rely, and to Him is my return.”

It appears from the previous statement and his will that Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī realised the end of the fateful journey that lay ahead. Al-Baḥrānī, ʿAbdullah Nur-Allāh, Maqtal al-ʿAwālim, p. [^54]: Al-Khawārizmī, Maqtal al-Ḥusayn, Vol. 1, p. 188. Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzāq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications. Ch. 22

82 Al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh p. [^995]: Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzāq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications. P. 141. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya.

Part.[^8]: p. 168

83 Al-Turayhī, Al-Muntakhab. Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzāq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications. Ch. 36

84 al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, Vol. 10, p. [^188]: Ibn Ṭāwūs Al-Luhūf There is also an interesting narrative found in the Nafas al-Mahmūm relating to this incident when Husayn came to know the name of the place which reads; “...Then Imam started weeping and said: Umm Salmā has informed me, that one day Gabriel came to the presence of Prophet Muhammad (S), and you [Husayn] were with me.

Suddenly the Prophet said, ‘Leave my child’, hearing this I left you and the Prophet made you sit on his lap. Gabriel asked him, ‘Do you cherish this child?’ The Prophet replied in the affirmative. Then Gabriel said, ‘Your Umma will kill him, and if you desire I shall show you the earth of the place where he shall be martyred.’ The Prophet showed his willingness to do so. Then Gabriel spread his wings towards Karbalā and showed the Prophet the place. Thus when Imam Husayn was told that the name of the place was Karbalā, he smelt the earth and said; ’This is the same place regarding which Gabriel had informed the Prophet, and I shall be killed herein.’“ See al-Qummī, ʿAbbās Nafas al-Mahmūm, ch.18, section [^14]:

85 He writes in that chapter stating: “And it is said that he (i.e. Imam Zayn al-ʿAbidīn) continued to weep till his eyes were endangered. And whenever he took water to drink, he wept till the tears filled the pot. Someone talked to him about it and he replied: ‘Why should not I cry, when my father was denied the water which was free to the beasts and animals?’ And never was food brought to him but that he wept, so much so that a servant

told him: ‘May I be your ransom, O Son of the Messenger of Allāh ! I am afraid that you would die (of this weeping).’ The Imam said: ‘I only complain of my distraction and anguish to Allāh... Never do I remember the massacre of the children of Fāṭima but that tears choke me.’”Al-Majlisī Bihar al-Anwar - His mourning and Weeping on the Martyrdom of his Father, May Grace of Allāh be on Both Vol. 11. Rizvi, Seyyid Saeed Akhthar (1979), The Illustrious Period of the Imamate of Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn in Al-Serat, Vol. 5, nrs. 3 & 4

86 Ockley, Simon The History of the Saracens, London, pp. 404-5

87 No day was more difficult for Allāh ’s Messenger than the Day (Battle) of Uhud in which his uncle Hamza b. ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib, the lion of Allāh and the lion of His Messenger, was killed, and after it was the Day (Battle) of Mu’ta in which his cousin Jaʿfar b. Abī Ṭālib was killed. Then he (Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn) said: There was no day like the Day of al-Ḥusayn, when thirty thousand men advanced against him (while) they claimed that they belonged to this community, and that they (wanted) to seek proximity to Allāh, the Great and Almighty, through (shedding) his blood. He (al-Ḥusayn) reminded them of Allāh, but they did not learn (from him) till they killed him out of (their) oppression and aggression. Al-Majlisī Biḥār al-Anwār vol. 9, p. [^147]: Qarashī, p. 135

88 Qarashī, p. [^141]: Ḥayāt al-Imam al-Ḥusayn vol. 3, p. 274

89 Al-Muqarram, ʿAbd al Razzāq (2005) Maqtal al-Ḥusain: Martyrdom epic of Imam al-Ḥusain, Beirut, Al-Kharsan Foundation for Publications.Al-Kaf’ami. Ch. 55 where the author also quotes the following references; Misbāḥ al-Mutaḥajjid and Iqbāl al-aʿmāl. Both references are quoted in Mazār al-Biḥār, p. [^107]: Al-Hā’irī, Sayyid Kāẓim al-Rashti Asrār al-Shaḥāda p. 423. Riyāḍ al-Masā’ib, p. 33.

90 Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, Vol. 10, p. [^206]: Al-Khawarizmi, Maqtal al-Ḥusain, Vol. 2, p. 37. Al-Ṭabarī, Ta’rīkh, Vol. 6, p. 259. Ibn Tāwus, Al-Luhuf, p. 73. Ibn al-Athīr, Al-Kāmil, Vol. 4, p. 32. al-Ṭabarī, Ta’rīkh, Vol. 6, p. 259. Al-Baḥrānī, ʿAbdullāh Nūr-Allāh, Maqtal al-Awālim, p. 100. Al-Khawarizmi, Maqtal al-Ḥusayn, Vol. 2, p. 36- and ongoing pages.

Howard also mentions this from Ṭabarī’s narration; Finally there was only al-Ḥusayn left. The forces wavered for a moment, hesitant about killing the grandson of the Prophet. However, Shimr b. Dhī Jawshin led a group against him. Zur'a b. Sharik al-Tamīmī and Sinan b. Anas al-Nakha'i actually delivered the death blows. It was Sinan who cut off al-Ḥusayn s head. Altogether al-Ḥusayn was stabbed 33 times and struck 34 times. The camp was given over to plunder. Bahr b. Ka'b took al-Ḥusayn's sarawil; Qais b. Ash'ath his qatifa. The men even took some of the clothes from the women.

However they did not harm the women. They also found the sick son of al-Ḥusayn, ʿAlī, and wondered whether they should kill him. ʿUmar b. Saʿd ordered that he should not be killed nor the women touched. Ṭabarī, II 365-[^7]: Howard, I.K.A. (1975) Events and Circumstances Surrounding the Martyrdom of al-Ḥusain b. ʿAlī al-Serat Journal, Vol 1, 1975, no. 2, The Muhammadi Trust of Great Britain, pp. 3-13

91 Chelkowski, Peter. J (1979) Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, New York, p. 2

92 Al-Serat, vol. 5, no’s 3&4 (1979)

93 The title Al-Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya simply means ‘The Book of al-Sajjād’. Al-Sajjād is one of the titles given to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn and signifies ‘the one who constantly prostrates himself in prayer’. Another well-known title is Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn which denotes ‘the ornament or adornment of the worshippers’.

The text is often called Al-Ṣaḥīfat al-Kāmilat, or Al-Ṣaḥīfat al-Kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya, which is, ‘The Perfect’, or ‘Complete’, ‘Book of al-Sajjād’. According to its commentator Sayyid ʿAlīkhān Shirāzī (d.1120/1708-09), the word Kāmila refers to the perfection of the style and content. According to Chittick some sources state that the adjective was added to differentiate it from another, incomplete version of the work, which is known among the Zaydis’. The Ṣaḥīfa has been called by various honorifics, such as ‘Sister of the Qur'ān’ (Ukht al-Qurān) ‘Gospel of the Folk of the House’ (Injīl Ahl al-Bayt), and ‘Psalms of the Household of Muḥammad’ (Zabūr Āli Muḥammad). See Ṭihrānī, Aqā Buzurgh, (1983) Al-Dharī‛a ilā taṣānīf al-Shīʿa, Beirut, Dār al-aḍwā’ The appended word ‘Sajjādiyya’ to Ṣaḥīfa in the title of the text makes reference to one of the agnomens or titles of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.

This kind of usage is common when making reference to possession or ownership in the Arabic language, particularly in view of authorship and attribution of a document to its

writer. Al-Shirāzī, Al-Sayyid ‛Alīkhān (1961-2) Talkhīṣ al-Riyāḍ: aw tuḥfat al-ṭālbīn al-muqtaṭaf min Riyāḍ al-sālikīn fī sharḥ ṣaḥīfah Sayyid al-Sājidīn, vol. I, Tehran. Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam). Al-Qummī, Abbās (1994) Safīnat al-biḥār al-anwār wa madīnat al-ḥikm wa l-āthār, vol. V, Dār al-Uswa

94 There is a discrepancy regarding the date of death with variations from 120/738-125/[^743]: According to al-Mufīd (d. 413/1022) in his Kitāb al-Irshād the death date is 120/738

95 An extensive study of some of the chains have been done by Al-Abṭaḥi in Al-ṣaḥīfat al-sajjādiyyat al-jāmi‛a and also by, Al-Shirāzī, Al-Sayyid ʿAlīkhān in Talkhīṣ al-Riyāḍ. Other biographical evaluations such as al-Khūi’s Rijāl, al-Najāshi’s Al-fihrist, and Ibn Hajar’s Lisān al-mīzān, to name just a few, have all discussed the biographies and status of the narrators in their entries.

96 Al-Māzandārāni, Muḥammad b. ʿAlī b. Shahrāshūb, Ma‛ālim al-ʿulamā, Beirut, Dār al-aḍwā’, also see Ṭihrānī, Aqā Buzurgh, Al-Dharīʿa

97 Al-Nūri Mustadrak al-Wasā’il, vol. III

98 Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam)

99 Jones, A (1992) Early Arabic Poetry – Marāthi and Ṣu‛lūk Poems, Oxford, Ithaca Press

100Ibn Manzūr, M (1993) Lisān al-ʿarab, vol. VII, 3rd Ed. Beirut, Dār Ihyā al-turāth al-‛arabi/Mu’assasa al-tārīkh al-ʿarabī

101Ibid.

102 Lane, E.W. (1984) Arabic-English Lexicon, vol. II, Cambridge, Islamic Ṣaḥifa Society

103 EI² vol. VIII, ‘Ṣaḥīfa ’

104 Qur’ān chapter 87:18-19

105 Ibn Hanbal, A. Musnad, vol. III 106 Ibn Māja, Zuhd, 7

107ʿAbdul Ra’ūf discusses this in his article of ḥadīth literature and divides the collection of this literature into stages designated as, ṣaḥifa, muṣannaf, musnad, ṣaḥih and the analytical stages. He discusses the ambivalent attitude existing at the beginning of the first century concerning the writing down of ḥadīth due to the obvious benefits of retention and also the fear of that the ḥadīth might later be confused with the Qur’ān. Nonetheless, what appears interesting is that the first stage is called the stage of ṣuḥuf. In spite of the unsure attitude existing at the time, ʿAbdul Ra’ūf says:

Nevertheless, some fifty Companions [pl. aṣḥāb] and almost as many Followers [pl. tābi‛īn] are said to have possessed manuscripts, then called ṣuḥuf (sing. ṣaḥifa), i.e., some material in which ḥadīth were included. ʿAbdul Ra’ūf, M. (1983) ‘Ḥadīth Literature – I: The Development of the Science of Ḥadīth’ in Beeston, A.F.L et al. (eds.) (1983) Arabic Literature to the end of the ʿUmayyad Period, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press

108 EI² vol. VIII, ‘Ṣaḥīfa ’

109 E.g. ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jilāni’s (d. 561/1166) Aḥzābun wa awrādun wa ad‛iyatun li ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jilāni in Padwicks’s Muslim Devotions

110 Ṭihrānī, Aqā Buzurgh, (1983) Al-Dharīʿ‛a, vol. XV

111 Muslim, Ṣalāt 222; Tirmidhī, Daʿwāt 75,

112; Padwick C. Muslim Devototions 112 Q. 7: 156, 40: 7

113 Reference is to Chittick’s translation of the Ṣaḥifa as established by al-Shaḥīd al-Awwal, 10:1-2

114 ‘The Day of Sacrifice’ also known as ‛Īd al-Adḥā referring to the 10th of Dhil Ḥijja in the Islamic calendar which marks the end of the Ḥajj.

115 Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam) 48:13

116 Ibid 60:[^1]: It is worth noting an incident Chittick mentions related to the above concerning Zayn al-‛Ābidīn, in his introduction to the Ṣaḥīfa, which he says is in complete character to the emphasis upon God’s mercy and forgiveness. One day Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn was told that Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (d.110/728), the famous ascetic, had said: ‘It is not strange if a person perishes as he perishes. It is only strange that a person is saved as he is saved.’ ʿĀli b. al-Ḥusayn replied, ‘But I say that it is not strange if a person is saved as he is saved; it is only strange that a person perishes as he perishes, given the scope of God’s mercy. (Biḥār al-anwār, Vol. LXXV, p. 153), Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam),p.XLI

117 He was a contemporary of ‛Alī b. al-Ḥusayn and was known for his spiritual and saintly personality, what is more is that a unique manuscript of Ri’aya lī huqūq Allāh (Observance of the Duties to Allāh ), said to be one of the earliest books on mysticism and a compilation of Ḥaṣan al-Baṣrī’s writings, is said to have survived and to be found at Oxford University. See Muṭahhari, M, Ṭabaṭabāī’, M.H., Khumaynī, R. (1991) Light Within Me, Karachi, Islamic Seminary Publications. There has not been an opportunity to substantiate this, however should it be so, it is intended to seek access to the manuscript for further study in the doctoral thesis. For this analysis an example of a prayer for forgiveness can be found in Quṭb al-Dīn al-Ḥanafī’s compilation: “O Allāh, I seek forgiveness for every sin… to which my hand, nourished by Your ample sustenance, extended. And while sinning I hid myself behind Your veil from the people…I relied on Your assurance of safety and forgiveness; and I took refuge in You, with Your clemency, not to smite me, and I depended on You, with Your noble countenance and pardon, to forgive me!” See Al-Baṣrī, H (2004) Prayers for Forgiveness: Seeking Spiritual Enlightenment through Sincere Supplication, White Thread Press (Translated by ʿAbdurraḥmān b.Yūsuf) Alluding to Q. 39: 53-4, Bukhāri, vol IX, ch.93, narration 485

118 Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), p.16

119 The language used in the Ṣaḥīfa is generally much similar to that of the Qur’ānic era, a language that can be found in prayers and traditions of the same period. For example the well known prayers of Mashlūl (the Lame one) and Kūmayl, ascribed to ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661) and the prayer called the prayer of Abū Hamza al-Thumālī of Thābit b. Dīnar, popularly known as Abū Hamza Thumāli, who lived during the time of the 4th, 5th and 6th of the Shīʿa Imams. Thus can be said to be quite old, and may be classified as high Arabic. There are however, two nouns that appear to stand out as later constructions. The forms of the nouns insāniyya (of insān) and bāhimiyya (of bahīma) are not common in any of the early Arabic writings. The word insāniyya in the supplication is used to mean humanity, the opposite of savagery or beastliness (bāhimiyya). However, the words insīyyun (derived from ins) and waḥshīyyun (derived from waḥsha) are commonly used in ancient Arabic writings (including the Qur’ān and ḥadīth) to mean humanity and beastliness respectively. In fact, the construction of the form insāniyyun as opposed to insīyyun was not known to early grammarians and linguists. See Lisān al-ʿarab and Taj al-ʿarūs concerning the morphology of these words.

120 Al-Kulayni, Al-Raḍī. (1978) Al-Uṣūl al-kāfī, vol. I, no. 142-2, p. 132, Tehran, Wofis

121 Ibid. vol. I, no. 143-3, p132

122 Moreover, concerning the discussion of authenticity, if we can draw from the discussion concerning the body of early Arabic poetry, which may well apply here due to the similarities. The foremost similarities being, amongst others, that both are textual documents, and both are claiming to trace their origins back to the same timeframe

123 Jones, A (1992) Early Arabic Poetry – Marāthi and Ṣu‛lūk Poems, Oxford, Ithaca Press

124 Arberry, A. J. (1957) The Seven Odes: The First Chapter In Arabic Literature, London, Allen & Unwin

125 Gibb, H.A.R. (1998) History of Arabic Literature, Cosmo Publications

126 Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), p.XX

127 Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), p.XIX-XX

128 The study of the transmitters making up the ṣanad developed into an independent science known as rijāl (literally ‘men’) in order to provide biographical details about the narrators’ dates of birth and death, their theological affiliations, their reliability and personal characters, their precision and accuracy in recording and transmitting reports, among other things.

129 However, if such conditions are fulfilled in a narration then that narration will be classified as authentic (saḥīḥ). Failure to fulfil any one of the conditions will relegate the narration from the level of saḥīḥ to that of ḍaʿīf (weak) or even mawḍūʿ (spurious) depending on the degree of the problem in the ṣanad or matan.

130 A mutawātir report is one that is transmitted by a large number of narrators that it would be impossible for them all to have agreed to fabricate it. Scholars are not agreed as to

the minimum number of transmitters that constitutes mutawātir. The khabar al-wāḥid or solitary report is that which has failed to reach the level required for mutawātir.

131 While this terminology and method of textual criticism was first developed primarily to examine and probe traditions attributed to the Prophet or his followers, it was later applied by scholars from other Islamic disciplines to study and examine the authenticity of their documents and Ṣaḥifa. For example, legal theorists, theologians, exegetes, and linguists were known to apply the isnād system in their works. The humanistic nature of the Islamic educational system at that time which tended to train students in all relevant disciplines without specialisation made it possible for scholars later specialising in, say, linguistics to employ and experiment with the theories developed in law, tradition studies, or exegesis.

132 Conditions such as; the meaning had to be transmitted from the Arabs through an authentic and reliable chain of narrators who were considered just. Moreover the narrators had to be considered reliable to the effect that their reports would be deemed as acceptable. The meaning of the language of the reports would have to come from authorities in the Arabic language. Furthermore the transmitter was expected to have heard the word and meaning directly from the source, hearsay was not accepted and the report had to be transmitted through celebrated chains of narrators (mutawātir). See Al- Zabīdī, M. Taj al-ʿarūs.

133 In his opinion the transmission of language can be divided into two categories: Mutawātir and āḥād.

“Tawātur is normally the language of the Qur’ān and may also include the language of the Prophetic tradition and other Arabs when transmitted by a large number of reliable Arabs. This category is the most reliable and is considered one of the sources of Arabic grammar, and is also accepted by all scholars of the Arabic language... According to the scholars of Islamic jurisprudence (uṣūl), while āḥād are regarded as reliable proof in Islamic law, they are not that reliable and acceptable in language studies.” See Al- Zabīdī, M. Taj al-ʿarūs, p.56

134 Such as; Al-Sayyid ‛Alīkhān Al-Shirāzī in Talkhīṣ al-Riyāḍ, Al-Abṭaḥi, M. Al-ṣaḥīfat al-sajjādiyyat al-jāmiʿa, Al-Amīn, H. Aʿyān al-shīʿa

135 Al-Abṭaḥī, M. (2003) Al-ṣaḥīfat al-sajjādiyyat al-jāmi‛a, Qum, Mu’assasat al-imam Mahdi, see also Al-Amīn, M. (1986) Aʿyān al-shīʿa, vol. I, Beirut, Dār al-ta‛āruf lil-maṭbūʿāt

136 Ibid.

137 Ibid.

138 Ibid

139 See Al-Qarāshi’s Ḥayāt al-Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, and Ḥusayn ʿAlī’ Maḥfūẓ’s article in al-Balagh Magazine, no. 7, year 1

140 See introduction of Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam)p. xxi, where Chittick refers to Al-Ṣaḥifat al-kāmilat al-Ṣajjādiyya, with introductions by Sayyid Muḥammad Mishkāt and Sayyid Shihāb al-Dīn Marʿashī, Tehran, 1942

141 According to ḥadīth scholars the direct method where the verb ḥaddathanā is employed is one of the most reliable methods in transmitting reports.

142 This is common when a report is read from a text in the presence of the narrator or narrators.

143 Extensive studies of some of the chains have been done by Al-Abṭaḥī in Al-ṣaḥīfat al-sajjādiyyat aljāmi ʿa and also by, Al-Sayyid ʿAlīkhān Al-Shirāzī in Talkhīṣ al-Riyāḍ. Other biographical works such as al-Khū’i’s Rijāl, al-Najāshi’s Al-fihrist, and Ibn Hajar’s Lisān al-mīzān, to name just a few, have all discussed the biographies and status of the narrators in their entries.

144 Normally in Arabic a risāla is a written document produced by the author himself, similarly the term ṣaḥīfa is also applied to a document attributed to a given author. For example, the famous Ṣaḥīfa Hammām Ibn Munabbah is so-called because it is believed to have been authored by Hammām b.Munabbah (d. 132/750) himself. Therefore if Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiya had been authored by X and attributed to Sajjād, it would be titled Ṣaḥīfa X min marwiyyāt Sajjād (the Ṣaḥīfa of X containing the traditions of Sajjād). Such a title (Ṣaḥīfa Hammām Ibn Munabbah min marwiyyāt Abī Hurayra) was used to describe the Ṣaḥīfa of Hammām whom scholars believe was reporting directly from Abū Hurayra. The question

came up whether Abū Hurayra himself had authored the narrations found in the manuscript of Hammām. The conclusion arrived at by scholars was that the title itself suggested that the document was written by Hammām himself containing the traditions from Abū Hurayra. Therefore, it is very unlikely that a ṣaḥīfa is ever attributed to anyone other than the original author. See Ibn Manzūr, M Lisẓān al-‛arab and Al- Zabīdī, M. Taj al-ʿarūs

145 Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam) Introduction, p. XX

146 Al-Amīn mirrors this belief succinctly as he says: “The strongest proof for the authenticity of al-Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya is that it contains pure words, matchless eloquence, excellent meanings… wonderful ways for seeking His (God’s) pardon and generosity, and imploring Him. Hence this pearl belongs to that sea… Besides it is very well known, its chain of authorities are numerous and go back to its author, Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, may Allāh bless him and his pure fathers and his pure children.

The trustworthy narrators reported it through their numerous, successive chains of authority on the authority of Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, peace be on him. Zayd, the martyr, had copies of it, and he handed them over to his children, who handed them over to the children of ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Ḥasan al-Muthanna… and al-Bāqir, peace be on him, had copies of it as well. The people took great care of narrating it, verifying its words and copies, and they went on reciting its supplications by night and day.” Al-Amīn, H. Aʿyān al-Shiʿa, see also, Al-Qarashī, B (1988) Ḥayāt al-Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn

147 Howarth, T (1991) Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn’s Ladder: An Exploration of Imam ʿAlī ibn Ḥusayn’s Al-Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyyah, Birmingham. This being Howarth’s dissertation in reference to the mentioned title, in which he makes reference to Madelung’s Die Shīʿa (1987) Die Shīʿa in Gätje’s Grundriss der Arabischen Philologie, Bd. 2: Literaturwissenschaft, Weisbaden, Reichert

148 Howarth, T (1991) Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn’s Ladder: An Exploration of Imam ʿAlī ibn Ḥusayn’s Al-Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyyah

149 Ibid, See also Chittick, W. (1980) (Ed. and trans.) A Shīʿite Anthology, selected by S.M.H.Ṭabaṭabā’ī with an intro. By S.H.Naṣr, London, Muhammadi Trust

150 Such as the Talkhīṣ al-riyāḍ, of Al-Sayyid ʿAlīkhān al-Shirāzī, (1961-2) Tehrān

151 Ibn al-Ḥusayn, ʿĀlī (Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn) (1988) Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), (Trans.& Introd. by William Chittick) London, Muhammadi Trust

152 Turner, Colin. Eds. Luft, J.P. & Turner, Colin Aspects of Devotional Life in Twelwer Shīʿism – The Practice of Duʿā (2008) Abingdon, Oxon. Routledge. Also note that words ‘Prayer’ and ‘Supplication’are at times used interchangeably unless specified otherwise.

153 Ibid. P. 376

154 Ibid. Pp. 384-97

155 Such as concepts of Tawḥīd, Nubuwwa, Maʿād etc.

156 In fact the first two supplications are titled In Praise of God and Blessings upon Muḥammad and his Household.

157 For example see verse 3 in His Supplication for Good Outcomes, verse 12 in His supplication in repentance and verse 4 in His Supplication in Sorrow.

158 Among these numerous narrations we find for example: “Abu Kahmas narrates from Imam as-Ṣādiq ‘[One day] a man entered the mosque and began [praying for his need] before praising Allāh and sending salutations on the Prophet. So the Prophet said, “The servant hastened [in calling] his Lord.” Then came in another [person], he offered prayers (salāt), praised Allāh, the All-mighty, the Majestic, and sent blessings on the Messenger of Allāh So the Prophet of Allāh said, “Ask and you shall be granted.”’ In Al-Āsifī, Shaykh Muḥammad Mahdī Supplication in the Eyes of the Ahlul Bayt Tehran, Ahlul Bayt World Assembly (ABWA) where the author quotes from Uṣūl al-Kāfi, p.525; and Wasā’il al-Shīʿa, vol.4, p.1127, ḥadīth [^8788]: Another similar report is: ‘Safwān al-Jammāl narrates from Imam as-Ṣādiq; “Any supplication by which Allāh, the All-Mighty, the Majestic, is called upon is obscured maḥjūb from the heavens until [the supplicant sends] blessings on Muḥammad and his Progeny.”’ Ibid. Uṣūl al-Kāfi, p.528; and Wasā’il al-Shīʿa, vol.4, pg.1135, ḥadīth no.8826

159 Q. 1:2

160 Marʿashī, Muḥammad Qāḍī (2003)Method of Salat Transl. Saleem Bhimji, Qum, Ansariyan Publications

161 Q. 33:[^56]: It is interesting to note that the call to invoke blessings ṣallū is in the form of an imperative verb, stressing its significance, moreover as also expressed by a Muslim speaker; God being the object of worship, in this case however, it is an act of worship that God Himself is also taking part in together with His creation. Thus commencing prayers with the praise and eulogy of God and the blessing upon the Prophet is not a mere form of courtesy, rather this act is considered, in spiritual terms, as part of the cause for the securing of Divine succour where the supplicant advertently resorts to means that are tested and verified. The Prophet has stated to the effect that invocation of salutation upon him and members of his family can never go unanswered by God, hence the believers ought to pray to God after invoking the blessing, for God is not a miser Who responds to one part of the prayer and ignores the other.

162 The non-obligatory prayers are highly recommended and encouraged by the primary sources of Islam: The Qur’ān and the Sunna or the Prophetic and in the case of the Shīʿa, the Imami tradition, to the extent that they are intended to form the very identity of the individual and the community alike.

163 Lane, E.W. (1984) Arabic-English Lexicon, Cambridge, Islamic Texts Society 164 Q. 2:200

165 Q. 3:41, 76:25

166 Q. 3:191 also 24:36 where the houses of such people are mentioned; …(Lit is such a Light) in houses in which Allāh has permitted to be raised to honour; for the celebration, in them, of His name:

In them is He glorified in the mornings and in the evenings, (again and again). Although the word Dhikr within the Sufi culture is predominantly used to denote the guided spiritual practice of disciplining the soul through the silent or pronounced invocation of the names of God, we see that the verses above are giving a much broader meaning of remembering God in whatever way befitting to the individual.

167 Lane, E.W. (1984) Arabic-English Lexicon, Cambridge, Islamic Texts Society

168 Q. 41:51, 29:65

169 Q. 2:186

170 Q. 40:60

171 Q. 17:110

172 For further reading on the apparently contradictory notion of repentance and wrongdoing of the Prophets and Imams and infallibility within Shīʿa thought see Chittick’s introduction in the Ṣaḥīfa.

Also see the writings of Henry Corbin on Imamology and Roberts, Avens (1988) Corbin’s Interpretation of Imamology & Sufism Hamdard Islamicus 11/2

173 There are also plentiful references to this in the Qur’ān, such as; Q. 25:77, 40:60, 42:13 etc. Similarly, as for narrations we have for example a report from the Prophet in Biḥār al-Anwār, vol.93, p.300; “Supplication is the essence mukhkh of worship. One who maintains supplication shall never perish.”

Another example is from Imam Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq in Al-Mahajjat al-Bayḍā, vol. 2, p. 283; “There is an honourable position near Allāh which can only be earned through supplication.” Al-Āsifī, Shaykh Muḥammad Mahdī Supplication in the Eyes of the Ahlul Bayt Tehran, Ahlul Bayt World Assembly (ABWA)

174 Q. 51:56

175 Chittick, William Supplications Qum, Ansariyan Publications. Al-Qummī, ʿAbbās (2003) Mafātīḥ al-Jinān – Keys to Heaven (Transl. Murtaza Ahmed Lakha), Stanmore/Mumbai, Kumail And Kausar Publications

176 Ibn al-Ḥusayn, ʿĀlī (Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn) (1988) Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), (Transl.& Introd. by William Chittick) London, Muhammadi Trust

177 Subḥānī, Jaʿfar Tabrīzī Ilāhiyāt ʿalā hadī al-kitāb wa-l sunna wa-l ʿaql Qum, Mu’assasat al-Imam al-Ṣādiq a.s. vol. 1, ‘The Attributes of God’

178 Al-Kāshānī, Mullā Muḥsin Fayḍ Uṣūl al-maʿārif, Markaz Intishārāt Daftar Tablīghāt Islāmī, ch. 3, Discussion on the Names of God

179 Chittick, William (1983) Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī – The Sufi Path of Love Albany, State University of New York Press, part 1

180 Jawshan al-Kabīr literally means the great armour or coat of armour. This prayer is reported from ʿAlī. b. al-Ḥusayn tracing back to his great grandfather the Prophet, who was

given the prayer during one of the battles by Angel Gabriel. In that battle the Prophet was wearing a very heavy coat of armour and was hurting due to it. It was then that Angel Gabriel descended saying he had brought this Jawshan (coat of armour) to be recited as a protection for him and his Umma. Al-Qummī, ʿAbbās (2003)

Mafātīḥ al-Jinān – Keys to Heaven (Transl. Murtaza Ahmed Lakha), Stanmore/Mumbai, Kumail And Kausar Publications. Also see; Bhimji, Saleem The Importance of the Duʿā Jawshan Kabīr, where the author also refers to the books Balad al-Amīn and Misbaḥ al-Kafa’mī containing the report.

181 For example in The Whispered Prayer of the Utterly Poor he states “…nothing will relieve my distress other than Thy mercy …remove my injury other than Thy clemency…” where both mercy and clemency are the Attributes of God. Or at another instance in the same prayer he supplicates:

“…O Security of the fearful… O Patron of the righteous… O Responder to the supplication…” where Security, Responder etc. are the Names of God corresponding to the particular supplication. In this way we find that the Imam invokes God through an Attribute or a Name of God most suitable for the type of prayer being made in terms of pleading for forgiveness, or asking for provisions or requesting Divine assistance and so on.

182 Al-Āsifī, Muḥammad Mahdī Supplication in the Eyes of the Ahlul Bayt, Tehran, Ahlul Bayt World Assembly (ABWA), part 3, where the author is stating that the Prophet is reported to have said; “Avail yourself of the opportunity of prayer (duʿā’) at the softening (of the heart); for it is a mercy”, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol.93, p.[^313]: Another narration from Imam al-Ṣādiq where he said; “When your skin quivers and your eyes shed tears, then you have drawn closer! Your need has been considered”, in Wasā’il al-Shīʿa, vol.4, p.1141, ḥadīth 8763.

183 Mahmoud Ayoub quotes the famous Prophetic narration from Muslim and Bukhārī which says; “Worship God as if you see Him, and if you cannot see Him, then know that He can see you!” Ayoub, Mahmoud (2005) Islam: Faith and History, ONEWorld Publications. pp. 68–9

184 Al-Āsifī, Muḥammad Mahdī Supplication in the Eyes of the Ahlul Bayt, Tehran, Ahlul Bayt World Assembly (ABWA), part 3, where its stated that;”The author of al-Durr al-Manthūr reports from Maʿādh b. Jabal that the Holy Prophet (S) said, ‘Had you recognized Allāh with the recognition due to Him, your prayers would have dislodged the mountains.’”

185 Ibn al-Ḥusayn, ʿĀlī (Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn) (1988) Al Ṣaḥīfat al-kāmilat al-Sajjādiyya (Psalms of Islam), (Transl.& Introd. by William Chittick) London, Muhammadi Trust, supplication nr. 12

186 Also see Roberts, Avens (1988) Corbin’s Interpretation of Imamology & Sufism, Hamdard Islamicus 11/2

187 Saḥīḥ Muslim, 6017, Al-Muwaṭṭa of Imam Mālik in the Book of Morals 1627/8

188 Q. 68:4

189 Also known as Al-Risālat al-Huqūq, and is added as an appendix to the Muhammadi Trust’s Publication of the Saḥīfa. In The Treatise of Rights, the Imam thoroughly elaborates on the morality of justice and righteousness where he explains the specific and particular rights the “other” has on an individual through the right that the soul has upon the individual. Hence for example he talks of the rights of the eyes, stomach and hands upon the individual, then he speaks of the rights of the parents, neighbours etc. In this way he roots the whole notion of morality as primarily relating to the human soul which then at a secondary level relates to interaction and attitude to other persons beyond the individual. See Chittick’s introduction to The Treatise on Rights, pp. 279-190 Known as Duʿā Makārim al-Akhlāq, and is supplication nr. 20 in the Saḥīfa. For example the Imam prays there; “O Lord! Do not elevate me in the estimation of people but that You lower me equally in my own esteem within my soul”, this in order that arrogance and pride may not result from the praise of people. Furthermore, after at a point he prays; “When anyone speaks ill of me then let me not reciprocate in a like manner, rather let me bear silently and wish them well.”

191 Known as Duʿā al-Tauba, supplication nr. 12

192 Q. 2:213

193 Q. 2:62

194 Al-ʿUthaymīn, Shaykh Muhammad ibn Sāliḥ Al-Sahwatul Islāmiyya Dawābit wa Tawjīhāt, p.77

195 Haeri, FadhlAllāh Shaykh (1999) Prophetic Traditions in Islam – On the Authority of the Family of the Prophet, London, Muḥammadi Trust of Great Britain & Zahrā Publications, p. 219

196 Supplication 4:2

197 Supplications; 5, 26 and 27

198 Prayers 77 and 73 in the Ṣaḥīfa

199 ‘The Whispered Prayer of the Lovers’, 77:1

200 See Chittick’s introduction of the Ṣaḥīfa, p. XXVI The Role of Supplication

201Turner, Colin. Eds. Luft, J.P. & Turner, Colin Aspects of Devotional Life in Twelwer Shīʿism – The Practice of Duʿā (2008) Abingdon, Oxon. Routledge

202 Supplication 1, p. 15

203 Supplication 18, p. [^64]: Chittick further comments that “the terms ‘wretchedness shiqā and ‘felicity’saʿāda refer to Heaven and Hell, not to the misery or happiness of this world.” See. P. 267 in the Ṣaḥīfa

204 Q. 40:60

205 Supplication nr. 31, p. 104

206 Supplication nr. 38, p. 127

207 Chittick refers to this as ‘being gentle’ as the expression is employed in the Q. 15:88 which reads;

Strain not thine eyes. (Wistfully) at what We have bestowed on certain classes of them, nor grieve over them: but lower thy wing (in gentleness) to the believers. And also Q. 26:215: And lower thy wing to the Believers who follow thee. See Ṣaḥīfa, p. 267

208 Supplication nr. 20, p. 67

209 Supplication nr. 24, p. 86

210 Supplication nr. 60, p. [^218]: Furthermore Chittick comments on I seek refuge in Thee from Thee, alluding to the Prophet's supplication; ‘I seek refuge in Thy good pleasure from Thy displeasure and in Thy pardon from Thy punishment. I seek refuge in Thee from Thee.’ See pages 277 and 275.