History of Islam

A Perspective On the New Community of Muslims

Upon his residence in Medina, the Holy Prophet took advantage of a free space and appropriate social conditions to lay the stone for an Islamic society and to overcame, yet gradually, all hindrances and obstacles. He gave the Muslim nation (ummah) an independent religious and political identity and spread the Divine Messages. At the time of his demise, he believed that he had fulfilled his mission and gained bright and brilliant successes. However, there were some issues in the society of those days requiring discussions:

(1) In the light of Islamic instructions, the Holy Prophet could unite the diverse tribes of Arabs who were always at odds with one another with the common bonds of faith, belief and brotherly care. He could make a unified nation out of scattered tribes. With the assistance of such people, he could establish in Medina a Divine government under his own leadership.

In this government, he could find solutions for the unsolved issues through consultation with people. Everybody was free to express his/her ideas and to criticize. For the first time and in the light of Islam, the Arab nation could experience such unity, power and spiritualism. However, the continuation of this success needed a powerful leader to guide people politically and spiritually.

(2) At the time of the Holy Prophet's demise, idolatry was more or less uprooted in the Arabian Peninsula. Although there was no military victory for Islam beyond the borders of the Arabian Peninsula, the Holy Prophet's universal invitation to Islam had reached the ears of the governors of the world’s countries of those days.

However, inside the Arabian Peninsula, some of those who had converted to Islam on the final days of the Holy Prophet's life, (especially those who had turned to Islam after the conquest of Mecca and the Battle Tabuk, had only superficially accepted the new faith that had not yet penetrated into their souls.

The Holy Prophet never found a chance to send religious missionaries among them for cultural purposes. Most of them had even not seen the Holy Prophet face to face. Only their chiefs had some contact with him. So, with the temporary weakness in the power of Islam, their return to blasphemy was probable. This situation made the continuation of the Islamic leadership even more pertinent so that the cultural work of the Holy Prophet could have continued.

(3) Although the death of `Abdullah ibn Ubayy, the head of the Hypocrites, in the ninth year of Hegira caused this dangerous group to lose some of their previous solidarity, they were around and inside Medina. They were always waiting for an opportunity to attack Muslims. In addition to the hypocrites who were considered internal enemies, there were two other external dangers for the newly-established government of Islam: the Iranian empire and the Romans. There were lots of signs for their enmity and negative attitudes towards Islam.

This vicious triangle made the Holy Prophet so concerned that he had to find solutions. This issue too made the presence of a strong leader absolutely necessary.

(4) Prior to the advent of Islam, the social life of the people inside the Arabian Peninsula was heavily reliant on the tribal system, which was based on racial and familial bonds. The social effects of such a system, including the blind tribal prejudices, nonsensical prides, revenge tacking and conflicts, had made life miserable for them.

Through hard working and boundless attempts, the Holy Prophet annihilated such a system and put the common faith for the common blood or the common race, in the light of Islam's unifying instructions and the word of monotheism. In this way, he was to a great extent able to eradicate the tribal system. All this was the result of Islam, the Holy Qur'an and the Holy Prophet's Mission.

However, history shows that the cultural remnants of this arrogant and ignorant age still remained in the hearts and souls of these people who manifested their tribal thinking as soon as they found it possible. However, the Holy Prophet, with his skill and vigor, always tried to stop this trend; he did not let it turn into a crisis. This once again showed the vulnerability of Islamic unity in those days. An example of this is the tribal inclinations between two distinguished groups of Muslims in the event of the Saqifah immediately after the demise of the Holy Prophet.

These worries clearly depicted the duties of the great leader of Islam in those days and the whole issue was a great test to show who was after the unity of Islam and would sacrifice everything for that unity on the one hand and who would insist on the cultural aspects of the Ignorance Era on the other hand.

(5) After his migration to Medina, the Holy Prophet was both the religious and political leader for Muslims. He undertook these two missions simultaneously so much so that Muslims would listen to his words, perform the congregational prayers, and be so absorbed by his spiritual charisma that they would rub the water of his ritual ablution on their faces, participate in the military campaigns, slay the enemies, ready themselves to martyrdom, be appointed by him as governors of provinces, and carry out negotiations on his behalf with his political opponents.

After his demise, it was not enough for his successor to be a political leader; rather, he had to perform the political leadership together with religious leadership so that he would be able to fill the Holy Prophet's empty place on the strength of his thorough awareness of the Islamic knowledge.

[^1] Muhammad al-Ghazzali, the Trial of Goldziher the Zionist, pp. 79-80.

[^2] Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:258-262.

[^3] Miyanji, Makatib al-Rasul 1:31. Ibn Husham, in al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:254, states that the Holy Prophet sent ten letters to the rulers and kings of the world. According to Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:66-67, the Holy Prophet’s letters were thirteen. Mas`udi, in al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf pp. 236-237, states that they were six. A contemporary researchers, namely Ahmad sabiri Hamadani, in his book of Muhammad wa-Zimamdaran, the Holy Prophet’s letters were only two or three!

[^4] al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:434; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:360.

[^5] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 637-703. Al-Ya`qubi states that the number of these letters was twenty thousand (2:46).

[^6] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 637.

[^7] According to Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:266, the name was Yusayr ibn Rizam.

[^8] Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:91-92.

[^9] Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:266-267.

[^10] Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat Muhammad, pp. 386.

[^11] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 634.

[^12] Al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 646.

[^13] tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:93; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:349; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:186.

[^14] The Holy Prophet’s statement and Imam `Ali’s mission were reported with some differences in the following reference books: sahih al-Bukhari 1:5; sahih Muslim 15:76-177; Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:110-111; Shaykh al-saduq, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 311; Tarikh al-tabari 3:93; al-Qanaduzi, Yanabi` al-Mawaddah 1:47; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:219; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, al-Isi`ab 3:36; al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak `Ala’l-sahihayn 3:104; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:349; Ibn Hajar, al-sawa`iq al-Muhriqah, pp. 121; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:635; Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:46; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:186; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:733-736; Shaykh al-tusi, al-Amali, pp. 380.

[^15] sahih Muslim 15:176.

Sa`d ibn Abi-Waqqas (belonged to Banu-Zuhrah) was one of the early converts to Islam at the age of seventeen (Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 3:134) or fourteen (al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:434) in Mecca. In Medina, he was considered one of the great figures of Muhajirun. He was among `Ali's political rivals and one of the members of the six-member council who was set to select a caliph after `Umar’s assassination. He refused to vote for `Ali (Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 1:188). After the assassination of `Uthman, Imam `Ali was elected by all Muslims except a few group among was Sa`d who rejected to pay homage to Imam `Ali (Mas`udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:353; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 3:191). Despite his situation from Imam `Ali, he had to confess these three unmatched virtues of `Ali.

[^16] saduq, al-Khisal, pp. 369, chapter 7.

[^17] al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:32.

[^18] Muhammad Ibrahim ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 473-475.

[^19] al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:690; Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu`jam al-Buldan 2:410.

[^20] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:352.

[^21] Yaqut al-Hamawi, op cit, pp. 410; al-Buladhari, Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 36-37.

[^22] al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 42; Ibn Husham 2:352; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:224; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:707; Yaqut al-Hamawi, op cit, 4:236; Qasim ibn Sallam, al-Amwal, pp. 16.

[^23] Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:170-171; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:289-290.

[^24] Halabi writes: “The Holy Prophet sent a letter to Hercules, the Roman emperor, who resided in Damascus at that time.” See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:786.

[^25] Halabi, op cit, 2:786.

[^26] al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:755; Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:128.

[^27] Ja`far ibn Abi-talib, having lived in Abyssinia for several years, returned to Medina in the seventh year of Hegira. After the conquest of Khaybar, he met the Holy Prophet there. The Holy Prophet was so delighted with Ja`far’s return that he said, “I do not know which news is more delightful; Ja`far’s return or the conquest of Khaybar!” See al-Hakim al-Naysaburi’s al-Mustadrak `Ala’l-sahihayn 2:624. For further information, refer to Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 4:35, Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:287; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, al-Isi`ab 1:210; Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp. 30; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:206.

[^28] tabrisi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 107. Although some reports state that Zayd had taken the commandership of the Muslim army during that battle before Ja`far, some Shi`ite narrations (according to tabarsi) show that Ja`far was the first commander, as is confirmed by some details of the event. See Subhani, Furugh Abadiyyat 2:291-293. A narration reported by Ibn Sa`d deals with this issue. (Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:130). For further information, refer to Ja`far Murtaza’s Dirasat wa-Buhuth fi’l-Tarikh wa’l-Islam 1:210 and the following pages.

[^29] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:19-21; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:107-110; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:755-769; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:128-130; Halabi, op cit, 2:787-793; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara pp. 102-104; Zayni Dahlan, op cit, 2:68-72; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:50-63; tusi, al-Amali, pp. 141.

[^30] al-Maghazi 2:769.

[^31] Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:30.

[^32] Muhammad Ibrahim ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 501. [^33] This city is situated in Jordan, in the southern province of Karak, which is 135 Kilometers away from the capital Amman.

[^34] Ja`far Subhani, A report of a journey made to Jordan (Mu'tah, the land of Memories), Lessons from the School of Islam Magazine, year 38, Issue No. 7, Mehr 1377 ASH.

[^35] Prior to Islam, these two tribes were on terms of enmity (Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:310). Since that time, Banu-Khuza`ah were the allies of `Abd al-Muttalib (al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:781).

[^36] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:33; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:783; Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:47.

Ibn Husham writes, “An individual from Banu-Khuza`ah was killed in this attack.” (4:33) However, al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa`d mention that twenty individuals were killed in this event. (al-Maghazi 2:784; Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:134).

[^37] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 744-800; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:135.

[^38] al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:746-802; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:134.

[^39] al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:787-796; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:134.

[^40] Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:34; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:134; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:47.

[^41] Ibn Husham 4:42, pp. 63; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:135; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:801.

[^42] Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 42, 44, 46; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:817-819.

[^43] The casualties were between fifteen and twenty-eight. See Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 50; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:825; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:136.

[^44] Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:49; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:832; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:136. Also see Shaykh al-tusi, al-Amali, pp. 336; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:30; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:102; Qastalani, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:322; Ibn tawus, al-tara’if 1:80-81; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 2:135-136; Zamakhshari, Tafsir al-Kashshaf 2:244.

Allamah Amini has reported this event from forty-one Sunni narrators. (al-Ghadir 7:10-13). On the basis of some reference books (such as: al-Khawarzmi’s al-Manaqib, Fara'id al-Simtayn, Yanabi` al-Mawaddah, and Tadhkirat al-Khawass) and in accordance with some narrations recorded in Bihar al-Anwar, this event had taken place one year prior to the Emigration and had taken part at night without letting Quraysh know about it Most probably, the event might have happened in both ways.

The ascent of `Ali over the Holy Prophet’s shoulders has been mentioned by some poets, such as Ibn al-`Arandas al Hilli, a poet of the ninth century, who composed the following:

`Ali’s ascent on Ahmad’s shoulders was more a great virtue and a lofty point of honor for `Ali. This virtue is different from being a relative of the prophet.

In the same way, Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, in one of his elegies, which is related to Mecca’s conquest, composed the following:

You have ascended on the loftiest shoulders which were surrounded with the Qur’an-reciting angels. You have climbed the shoulder of the best of God’s prophets; the shoulder of the dearest and holiest person who has ever lived on the earth.

See Muhammad Ibrahim ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 524-530.

[^45] Al-Hurr al-`amili: Wasa'il al-Shi`ah 9:323, Narration 1.

[^46] The number is recorded to have been between eight and ten. (Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:51-53; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:825; Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:136.) However, some of them were pardoned by the Holy Prophet.

[^47] Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:49; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:48.

[^48] Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:58; Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:50; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:844, with some alterations of words.

[^49] Sayyid Muhammad Husayn tabataba’i, al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an 19:246. This contract was convened after the revelation of the following holy verses:

O Prophet! When believing Women come to you giving you a pledge that they will not associate aught with Allah, and will not steal, and will not commit Fornication, and will not kill their children, nor commit a calumny which they have forged of themselves, and will not disobey you in what is good, accept their pledge, and ask forgiveness of them from Allah; surely Allah is Forgiving, Merciful. (60:11)

Because the content of this treaty was the same as that of the first `Aqabah, it is sometimes called bay`at al-nisa' (the pledge of women).

[^50] Al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Irab 3:11.

[^51] Al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:61.

[^52] Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:303. [^53] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 307.

[^54] Op cit, pp. 248; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 37.

[^55] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 326.

[^56] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 292; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 38.

[^57] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 330; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 89.

[^58] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 331; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 83.

[^59] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 352; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 103.

[^60] Ibn Sa`d, op cit.

[^61] al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 1:966.

[^62] al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:889; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:125. Other reference books state another date for the conquest of Mecca.

[^63] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 125; Qastalani, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:216.

[^64] Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:50.

[^65] Qastalani, op cit, pp. 227; al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Irab 2:280-281; Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:145-147.

[^66] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:80; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:126.

[^67] Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:82; tabari, op cit, 2:127; al-Waqidi, op cit, 3:893.

[^68] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 889; tabari, op cit, pp. 127.

[^69] Ibn Husham, pp. 83; tabari, op cit, pp. 127; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:150; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 113; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:52.

[^70] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 843; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 150.

[^71] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 889; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 150; tabarsi, op cit, pp. 113; Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 74.

[^72] Hunayn was a valley, near Dhu’l-Majaz in a distance of three nights away from Mecca.

[^73] Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 85; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 845; tabari, op cit, pp. 128; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 14; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:169; Shaykh al-Mufid, op cit, pp. 75.

[^74] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 897; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 150.

[^75] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 900; Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:52.

[^76] Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 74; concerning Imam `Ali’s bravery during this was, see Shaykh al-tusi’s al-Amali, pp. 574-575.

[^77] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 151; Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:52; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:150.

[^78] The Romans were neighbors to the northern part of the Arabian peninsula on the Damascus side.

[^79] al-Waqidi, al-Maghaz 3:440. Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:165; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 346; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:99. This report was forged by the Nabataean tradesmen who also carried oil and flour to Medina (al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 989-990).

[^80] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 990.

[^81] al-Waqidi, op cit, Ibn Sa`d, op cit.

[^82] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 166.

[^83] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, Qastalan, op cit; Halabi, op cit, tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:142.

[^84] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 992; tabari, op cit; Halabi, op cit; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:159.

[^85] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 990-991; Qastalan, op cit, 1:347; Halabi, op cit, Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 160, tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 122.

[^86] Tabuk was a famous place located between Medina and Damascus (Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:346; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:125). It is 540 kilometers away from Medina. It took a traveler twelve nights to reach there. (Mas`udi, pp. 235). In those days, it was on the border of the Roman-occupied territories in Damascus where Christians used to live. Today, Tabuk is one of the cities of Saudi Arabia near the Jordanian borders and the terrific sign on the northern side of Medina shows 600 Kilometers to Tabuk.

[^87] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 165-167; al-Waqidi, op cit; Qastalan, pp. 346; tabarsi, op cit, Halabi, op cit, pp. 99; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 159.

[^88] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 991; tabari, op cit, 3:142.

[^89] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 166; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 996, 1002; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 349; Halabi, op cit, pp. 102.

[^90] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1002; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 166.

[^91] Mas`udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 235.

[^92] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 165-166; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 995.

[^93] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 993; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:160; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 342.

[^94] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 995; Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:162.

[^95] Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 82; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 122.

[^96] Ibn `Abd al-Barr, al-Isi`ab 3:34; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:104; Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:348.

[^97] Ibn `Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 27; Ja`far Murtaza al-`amili, al-sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A`zam 4:193-196.

[^98] Al-Jurf is a place three miles away from Medina.

[^99] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:163; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 9:104).

[^100] sahih al-Bukhari 6:304; al-Maghazi, chapter 95, pp. 857; sahih Muslim 15:175. The Holy Prophet's words on `Ali can be found in the following reference books: al-Mawahib 1:348; al-Isti`ab 3:34; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:7 and 8:77; Musnad Ahmad 1:179; Kanz al-`Ummal, h. 14242, 32881, 36572, sahih al-Tirmidhi, chap. 21, h. 3730; al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 235; al-sawa`iq al-Muhriqah, pp. 121; al-Isabah 2:509 No. 5688; Zayni Dahlan’s al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:126; Muruj al-Dhahab 3:14; Amali by Shaykh al-tusi, pp. 599.

[^101] Despite this clear set of argumentations, among Sunni scholars, such as Halabi and Ibn Taymiyah, have doubted the authenticity of these narrations. For further information about the authenticity of this narration and similar ones, refer to al-Ghadir 3:197-201; Ihqaq al-Haqq 5:133-234; Leadership from Islamic Point of View by Ja`far Subhani, chapter 15.

[^102] There was one horse for every three men.

[^103] Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:167; Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:346; Halabi, op cit, 3:106.

[^104] sahih al-Bukhari 6:308; Mas`udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 235; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 346. This name and title is taken from the Holy Qur’an 9:117.

[^105] Al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1990-1991.

[^106] Halabi, op cit, pp. 99.

[^107] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 2:166, 168; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1015.

[^108] tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 123; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 350; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:146.

[^109] Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:165; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:159; Halabi, op cit, pp. 49; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 346.

[^110] Ja`far Subhani, Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:403-404.

[^111] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:205. Biographers of the Holy Prophet’s life have amassed a list of these treaties enumerating them as sixty; see Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:291-359; The History of the Prophet of Islam by Muhammad Ibrahim ayati, pp. 609-642.

[^112] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:190.

[^113] This event, with some variations, has appeared in the following reference books: Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:154; Sirat Ibn Husham 4:190; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:291, Majma` al-Bayan 5:3; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, pp. 57; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 537-38 and 7:358; Ruh al-Ma`ani; Tafsir al-Manar 10:157.

[^114] Circumambulating the Kaaba with naked body was one of the signs of the religious corruptions of the infidels. It had its roots in Quraysh’s control over the Kaaba.

[^115] The content of the Holy Prophet's warning, with some alterations, appears in the following reference books: Sirat Ibn Husham 4:191; Al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an 9:163, 165; Tafsir al-Manar 10:157; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 7:358, al-Ghadir 6:343, 348.

[^116] tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:154; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:291.

[^117] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:191; Ibn al-Athir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:37.

[^118] Najran is one of the Yemenite centers next to Mecca. (al-Hamawi, Mu`jam al-Buldan 5:266).

Abu’l-Fida (672-732 AH) in, Taqwim al-Buldan, pp. 127 writes: “Najran is a small town with palm-groves; the distance between Mecca and Najran is about a twenty-day journey.” This town might have developed in the following centuries, because Zayni Dahlan (1231-1304 AH) writes: “Najran is a large city, near Mecca, on the way to Yemen, consisting of seventy three villages.” (al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:144). As the maps of Saudi Arabia shows, Najran is now one of the cities of that country, near the boarders with the Yemen.

[^119] Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:70-71; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:53; Bihar al-Anwar 2:285; al-Watha’iq, pp. 34; `Ali Ahmadi, Makatib al-Rasul 1:175.

[^120] Sayyid Ibn tawus, Iqbal al-A`mal 2:311.

[^121] Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:235-236; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:144; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:347. `Allamah al-Majlisi has gathered all reports and narrations about the Holy Prophet’s discussions with the missionary of Najran in volume 21 of Bihar al-Anwar, pp. 319-355.

[^122] tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 129; Majma` al-Bayan 2:452; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:337.

[^123] Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:236; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:144.

[^124] Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:72; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 129.

[^125] Halabi, op cit; Zayni Dahlan, op cit; Zamakhshari, Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:193; al-Fakhr al-Razi, Mafatih al-Ghayb 8:82; Sayyid Muhammad tabataba’i, al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an 3:231; al-Bayzawi, Anwar al-Tanzil, pp. 74.

[^126] See Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:72; Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:358, Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 75-76; al-Watha’iq, pp. 134-135; al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:144; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:236; Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:191; Mafatih al-Ghayb 8:182; Al-Mizan 3:232.

[^127] al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah 1:176; Ibn `Abd-Rabbih, al-`Iqd al-Farid 3:313.

[^128] al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1102; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:143.

[^129] Husham Kalbi, al-Asnam, pp. 13. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:88; Mahmud Shukri al-alusi, Bulugh al-Irab 2:202.

[^130] Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:317.

[^131] al-Waqidi, op cit, 3:1104.

[^132] Shaykh al-Kulayni, al-Furu` min al-Kafi 21:390.

[^133] Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:181; Halabi, op cit, 3:327.

[^134] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1104.

[^135] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1102; Zayni Dahlan, op cit, 2:143; al-Majlisi, op cit, 21:392.

[^136] al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1104; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 379.

[^137] Zayni Dahlan, op cit 2:143.

[^138] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:250-252; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:312; Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:186; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1111; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:380. It is worth mentioning that according to both Ibn Sa`d and al-Waqidi, the Holy Prophet delivered this sermon at the desert of Mina.

[^139] Zamakhshari, op cit. Fakhr Razi, without mentioning the name of `a'ishah, records this narration and adds, “Both Sunni and Shi`ite scholars consider this narration authentic.” (al-Tafsir al-Kabir 8:82). Al-Shablanji says, “Various reference books reckon this narration as valid.” (Nur al-Absar, pp. 111).

[^140] The following reference books deal with this same topic: Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:193; Mafatih al-Ghayb 8:82; al-Durr al-Manthur 2:231-233, as narrated by al-Hakim, Ibn Mardawayh, Abu-Na`im in al-Dala’il; Muslim, al-Tirmidhi, Ibn al-Mundhir, al-Bayhaqi, in al-Sunan, and Ibn Jarir; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:71; Sharaf al-Nabi, pp. 262; al-Bayzawi, Anwar al-Tanzil, pp. 74; Nur al-Absar, pp. 111; Manaqib `Ali Ibn Abi-talib by Ibn Mardawayh, pp. 226.

However, the most detailed description of this report can be found in Sayyid Ibn tawus’s Iqbal al-A`mal 2:310-348.

Despite the existence of so many narrations concerning al-Mubahalah, some historians, influenced by their prejudices, have manipulated the narrations adding or subtracting materials according to their whims and desires. For instance, al-Buladhari, Ibn Kathir and al-Shi`bi have omitted the name of `Ali from the narration.

(See Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 75, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 2:232.) Halabi and Zayni Dahlan both have put the names of `a'ishah and Hafsah among the participants; they have reported `Umar as having said, “If I wanted to partake in the Mubahalah with those people (i.e. the Christians), I would let `Ali, Hasan, Husayn, Fatimah, `a'ishah and Hafsah take part.” (al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:236; al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:144-145). Al-Suyuti narrates from Ibn `Asakir that the Prophet invited Abu-Bakr and his children and `Ali and his children for Mubahalah! (Al-Durr al-Manthur 2:333).

The effects of forging and distortion are so obvious in these narrations that we do not need for further explanation of the issue. It only suffices to mention that if the word nisa'ana included the Prophet's wives, why should only two of them, namely `a'ishah and Hafsah were worthy of to take part in Mubahalah?

[^141] sahih Muslim 15:176.

[^142] Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:193.

[^143] Anwar al-Tanzil, pp. 74.

[^144] Al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:350.

[^145] For more information, see Makatib al-Rasul 1: 179; Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:441-445.

[^146] This was the final juncture of the pilgrims. The directions of the pilgrims of Egypt, Iraq and Medina were separated, each one taking their appropriate direction.

[^147] Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir fi al-Kitab wa’l-Sunnah wa’l-Adab 1:10.

[^148] They only doubt the reference of this event to `Ali. For instance, in the international symposium for the recognition of Shi`ism, which was held in Istanbul, Turkey, with the participation of great scholars of Islamic countries and with the presence of a group of distinguished Muslim scholars of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Dr. Muhammad Sa`id Ramazan al-Buti, one of the distinguished scholars of the University of Syria criticized the statements of one speaker who had denied the event of Ghadir saying, “There is no doubt about the narration of Ghadir and his participation in it. However, it does not pertain to Shi`ites…” This claim was answered by an Iranian scholar. See Congresses and Scientific Circles of ayatullah, pp. 21, 27.

[^149] Al-Ghadir 1:14-15.

[^150] Returning to Medina, the Holy Prophet traveled at night until he reached a placed close to al-Juhafah called Ghadir Khumm. That was on the eighteenth of Dhu’l-Hijjah. Taking `Ali from the hand, the Holy Prophet delivered a sermon there in which he said, “Am I not superior to the believers than themselves?” The attendants answered affirmative. He then said, “`Ali is now the master of him who has considered me as his master. O Allah, be the confidant of him who confides with `Ali and be the enemy of him who incurs the hostility of `Ali.” (2:102).

Contrary to what is commonly said, Mas`udi has referred to this event to have taken place on the Holy Prophet's return from Hudaybiyah:

On his return from Hudaybiyah, the Prophet said to the Commander of the Believers `Ali ibn Abi-talib (may Allah be pleased with him) at Ghadir Khumm, “`Ali is now the master of him whose master was I.” That was on the eighteenth of Dhu’l-Hijjah. See al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 221.

In Muruj al-Dhahab 2:245, counting the virtues of `Ali, the author refers shortly to the event of the Divinely commissioned leadership of Imam `Ali by saying,

Things due to which the companions of Allah’s Messenger deserved favor are precedence to faith, migration, supporting Allah’s Messenger, nearness to him, satisfaction, self-sacrifice for him, knowledgeability with the Holy Book and the Revelation, strife for Allah’s sake, piety, asceticism, judicature, fair judgment, jurisprudence, and knowledge.

In all these, `Ali (peace be upon him) had the biggest share and the greatest part. He was exclusively addressed by Allah’s Messenger when he associated as brothers each two of his companions, saying, “You are my brother.” Of course, Allah’s Messenger is matchless and incomparable. He also addressed `Ali by saying, “Your position to me is the same as Aaron’s position to Moses except that there will be no prophet after me.” He also said, “`Ali is now the master of him whose master was I. O Allah, support him who supports `Ali and antagonize him who incurs the hostility of `Ali.”

[^151] Ibn Shahrashub, Ma`alim al-`Ulama’, pp. 106; Ibn tawus, al-tara’if; Ibn Bitriq, `Uyun sihah al-Akhbar 1:157.

This book is referred to by other names, such as Kitab al-Faza'il, hadith al-wilayah, and Kitab Ghadir Khumm. These titles might have been taken by authors with regards to the content of the book. Some others have put the name of a special section of the book for the whole book. As we will see in the next footnote, al-Najashi entitles it as al-radd `ala al-hurqusiyyah (Refutations of Hurqus’s claims). Hurqus ibn Zuhayr was one of leaders of Khawarij. Most probably, the adoption of this title was to indicate and refer to the opponents of `Ali as apostates.

[^152] Al-Najashi, Fihrist Musannaf al-Shi`ah, pp. 225. In his book of Iqbal al-A`mal 2:239, Sayyid Ibn tawus refers to this name.

[^153] tusi, al-Fihrist, pp. 281.

[^154] It is worth mentioning that while Ibn Kathir mentions the event of al-Ghadir, he distorts its relation to `Ali.

[^155] Ibn Kathir, op cit, 11:147. This belongs to the events of the year 310 which coincides with tabari's death.

[^156] Ma`alim al-`Ulama', pp. 106.

[^157] Al-tara’if 1:142.

[^158] This book has been printed in three volumes in Qum by the Foundation for Islamic Publications in 1414 AH. In its first volume, page 130 on, tabari's narrations are recorded.

[^159] Op cit, 1:130.

[^160] Op cit, 1:130. His motive in writing this book was that he was informed that one of the experts in Baghdad has denied and rejected the event of Ghadir, claiming that on the Prophet's return from the Farewell Pilgrimage, `Ali was not with him; rather, he was in Yemen. tabari was extremely moved by this lie and denial; so, he wrote the book of al-Wilayah to repudiate the view of that expert. In his book, he described the event of Ghadir and confirmed its authenticity.

(Sharh al-Akhbar 1:130; Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu`jam al-Buldan 18:84-85). According to Ibn `Asakir and al-Dhahabi, the expert mentioned above was Abu-Bakr ibn Abi-Dawud al-Sajistani, the author of Sunan Abi-Dawud. (Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 52:197-198; Tarikh al-Islam, pp. 213; Tadhkirat al-Huffaz 2:713.

Abu-Bakr Ibn Abi-Dawud is accused of having hatred against `Ali (Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 29:87; Mizan al-I`tidal 2:434; Tarikh Baghdad 9:467-468.

[^161] Sharh al-Akhbar 1:134-135. For more information on Kitab al-Wilayah, see Fazl `Ali, by Rasul Ja`fariyan, 34.

[^162] Al-Ghadir 1:350, 354, 356.

[^163] For instance, the Holy Prophet is reported to have said, “The matrimonial contract of any woman that is married before obtaining the permission of her mawla (guardian) is void.”

[^164] Al-Ghadir 1:367-370.

[^165] According to a narration reported by Ahmad ibn Hanbal Musnad Ahmad 1:119 and Ibn al-Athir’s Usd al-Ghabah 4:28, the Holy Prophet said, “Am I not superior to the believers than their own lives? Aren't my wives their mothers?”

It is completely clear that when he refers to his wives as the mothers of the believers, the statement that is confirmed in verse 6 of Surah al-Ahzab is uttered to strengthen his prophethood. His reference to his status as superior to the lives of Muslims shows that he wanted to emphasize his own prophetic position and later on `Ali's position.

It is worth mentioning that Ibn Kathir considers its source as dubious, without presenting any reason whatsoever. (al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:211). This is while its first narrator, i.e.; `Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi-Layla has been confirmed by Sunni scholars as trustworthy. Besides, this hadith has been narrated by many others. (see al-Ghadir 1:177-178).

[^166] For a complete list of these signers and witnesses, see al-Ghadir 1:370-385; Leadership in the Eyes of Islam, Ja`far Subhani, pp. 234-238.

[^167] For further information, see al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1081; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:208-209.

[^168] Nihayat al-Irab 3:168; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:209; Ibn `Asakir, Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 1:386.

[^169] Historians and biographers mention the number of the troops under Imam `Ali’s mission to Yemen as three hundred. See al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1019; al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:169.

[^170] Ibn Qutaybah al-Daynawari, al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, pp. 24-25.

[^171] For further information, see al-Ghadir 1: 214, 247.

[^172] For further information concerning this and also data related to the distance between the abovementioned two verses (in Surah al-Ma’idah) and the fact that what comes in the latter part of the 3rd verse deals with forbidden meats and not related to the issue of succession, see Tafsir Namunah 4:263-271.

[^173] A location in Syria between `Asqalan and Ramlah, close to Mu'tah. See Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:227.

[^174] A place three miles away from Damascus.

[^175] Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:190; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:121; Zayni Dahlan, 2:138; Halabi, op cit, pp. 227.

[^176] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 190; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:227; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:138.

[^177] Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 6:52.

[^178] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 190; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:121.

[^179] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 190; al-Miqrizi, Amta` al-Asma’ 2:124; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:121.

[^180] Ibn Sa`d, op cit; al-Miqrizi, op cit, 2:124; Zayni Dahlan, op cit; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, op cit; Halabi, op cit, pp. 228; According to sahih al-Bukhari and sahih Muslim, the words of the Prophet were:

If you impugn his commandership, you have already been impugning his father. By Allah I swear, he was very suitable for leadership. He was one of my dearest people. This one is also my dearest one after his father.

See sahih al-Bukhari 6:326, H. 9; sahih Muslim 15:195.

[^181] Muhammad ibn `Abd al-Karim al-Shahristani, pp. 29.

[^182] Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:178.

[^183] From the improper analysis that Ibn Abi’l-Hadid puts on this issue, we understand that this Shi`ite analysis has always been a controversial issue among historians.

[^184] sahih al-Bukhari 1:120; al-Maghazi, pp. 317-318; sahih Muslim 11:89; Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 2:242; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, quoted from Abu-Bakr al-Jawhari, Kitab al-Saqifah.

[^185] For example, see the following sources: Ibn tawus, al-tara’if fi Ma`rifat Madhahib al-tawa’if 2:431-435; Sharaf al-Din al-Musawi, al-Nass wa’l-Ijtihad, pp. 162-177; Ja`far Subhani, Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:493-500; Mustafavi, al-Haqa'iq fi Tarikh al-Islam wa’l-Fitan wa’l-Ahdath, pp. 129-135; Yusuf Qulayni, pas az ghurub 1:38-53; Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat al-Nabi, pp. 501; sahih Muslim commentary of al-imam al-nawawi 11:84-93.

[^186] Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 22:514; the date of the prophet's demise is reported differently in some sources. See op cit, pp. 514-521; Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra, 3:272-274; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah, 3:454.

[^187] Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:178.

[^188] Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah, 3:454.

[^189] Ibid.

[^190] Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra, 2:237-239.