Madrasahs in Pakistan [untill: 2005]

2- Madrasahs In Pakistan

Madrasahs and the Pakistan Movement

The Aligarh Movement, which had been basically an educational movement, gradually became a political movement when Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, its founder, initiated the demand for reservation of seats for the Muslim community in elected bodies and the representation of Muslims through a separate electorate. Not satisfied with the performance of the Indian National Congress as representative of all communities of India, the supporters of the Aligarh Movement set up their own political organization, the Muslim League, with the explicit objective of protecting the rights of the Muslim community. Earlier the stand taken by Sir Syed for the defense of Urdu (when extremist Hindus tried to replace it by Hindi as official language in 1867) had determined a different course to be chosen from that of the Congress for the protection of the rights of the Muslims of the Subcontinent.[^66] He had become uneasy at the Congress plan for “democratizing” India. He felt this would leave Muslims at the mercy of the numerically superior Hindus. A. Hamid quotes him in theAligarh Movement in the following words:

Ours is a vast country inhibited by diverse folks deeply divided by racial and religious antagonisms. They lack homogeneity. Different sections of the population stand at varying levels of cultural development. So long as religion and caste are the chief props of the Indian social system, electoral machinery based on the Western pattern would lead neither to equality nor to fraternity. It would enable the more advanced sections of the population to hold their less fortunate countrymen in thralldom. Cultural difference, caste dissentions and religious wrangling would be more pronounced than ever. Inequalities would sink deeper in the society.[^67]

The Deobandiulema were content with their socio-religious role until the end of the nineteenth century. However with the beginning of the twentieth century they made explicit their political views. The approach of theDeoband ulema to Indian politics differed fundamentally from its counterpart at Aligarh*.* They believed that geography was the ultimate determinant of nationalism in the context of India and the concept of Indian Muslim nationalism contradicted the concept of universal Muslim nationalism.  On the basis of a mutually antagonistic political approach, both the educational movements chose different political platforms during the freedom struggle. While Aligarh aligned itself with the Muslim League under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Deobandi supported the Congress during the freedom movement.[^68]

The gulf between Deoband and Aligarh had widened because Sir Syed had contributed articles to the Aligarh Institute Gazette denying the pretensions of Sultan Abdul Hamid[^69]   to thekhilafat and preaching loyalty to the British rulers of India, even if they were compelled to pursue an unfriendly policy towards Turkey, while Deoband was consistent since the very beginning in its policy of friendship and alliance with the Sultan of Turkey. The Deobandi still considered India asDar-ul-arb , but Aligarh saw no sense in it. The gulf between the two Muslim institutions continued to exist and widen and divided the Muslims of India into two hostile blocks.[^70]

The situation changed after the First World War when the Muslims of the Subcontinent launched theKhilafat Movement seeking to protect the Ottoman caliphate from attack by the victorious allies and to prevent the holy cities of Mecca and Madina from falling under European control. It is worth noticing that, in the period of Muslim unrest, the Muslim middle class was in the forefront. Now for the first time Aligarh, the citadel of the Muslim middle class, was coming closer to Deoband, the center of proletarian dissatisfaction, in so far as the anti-British attitude was concerned. However, this was a brief rapprochement between the followers of both hostile camps.[^71]

Jamiat-ul-ulama-i-Hind

The brief rapprochement between Aligarh and Deoband during theKhilafat Movement could not be effected at the upper level and theuema , mostlyDeobandi, set up their own organization,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind in 1919 to protect the rights of Muslims and preferred to join hands with Gandhi for the realization of their objective, instead ofJinnah’s Muslim League , whom they thought to be secular and irreligious, using Islam for secular interests.[^72]

The leaders ofJamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind claimed that it was a genuine Muslim organization to safeguard the “Shariat ” as well as to give the Muslim community religious and political guidance according to Islamic principles and commandments. Among the foremost objectives of this organization was the protection of the Ottoman caliphate from dismemberment, the protection of the rights of the Muslims of India and the liberation of India from alien rule. Theulema issued a series offatwas justifying seeking cooperation of non-Muslims for the achievements of these objectives.[^73]

The movement to protect the caliphate failed due to various internal and external reasons but it made theulema think pragmatically about the political situation of India. The encounter between Deoband and Aligarh led to the establishment of Jamia Millia Islamia at Dehli in 1920. This institute was inaugurated by Maulana Mohamood-ul-Hasan, the rector of Deoband, and supported by activists from Aligarh. It managed to educate Muslims in both modern as well as traditional religious subjects.[^74]

The aims and objectives of theJamiat , when analyzed, reveal its dual loyalty to Islam and Islamic countries, on the one hand, and to India, on the other. They also indicate the utmost emphasis on the “Sharia ”, its preservation and its promulgation which concern the personal lives of Indian Muslims. The country was to be freed from the foreign yoke not only because of the democratic right of a nascent India but because of the religious duty of the Muslims to fight for the freedom of their motherland. The whole program of theJamiat had to revolve around a single pivot, i.e. theSharia, which was unchangeable and which could be correctly understood and interpreted only by theulema, who considered themselves its custodian and, therefore, the correct leaders of Muslims could come only from them. This rigid and orthodox stand on the part ofulema was bound to create a rift in the communal life of Muslims, who, in the course of time were led to depend more upon the leadership of their western educated intelligentsia. This rift was sharpened by the communal attitude of the Hindus, who being in an overwhelming majority, were considered by middle class Muslims to be a threatening force to their legitimate rights in an independent India.[^75]

Consequently, theDeobandi ulema chose to support the Congress instead of the Muslim League in the political struggle. They disputed the league’s two-nation theory and repeatedly questioned the religious credentials of the League’s leadership, and particularly, Jinnah. The rector of the Deobandmadrasah, Maulana Husian Ahmed Madani*,* argued, that in Islam nationality was determined by common homeland and not by religion, the claim strongly contested by Allama Mohammad Iqbal*.* Giving an example from the life of the Holy Prophet, Madani claimed that the state set up by the Holy Prophet in Madina gave equal rights to Muslims, Jews and pagan Arabs, and all of them were regarded as the members of oneummah or community. Therefore, according to this principle, all Muslims and Hindus of India were members of a common nation. Most of the Deobandi believed that in free and united India, Muslims would be able to lead their personal lives in accordance with theSharia, while also co-operating with people of other faiths in matters of common concern.[^76]

Theulema were in favor of unconditional co-operation with the Congress so far as the cause of freedom was concerned. They claimed that once the British regime was dissolved, the Hindus would come to terms with the Muslims who formed a strong minority and could not be deprived of their legitimate rights. They also believed that it was the British Government which was chiefly responsible for the bitter communal bickering and for creating a sort of fear complex in the minds of Muslims. Its very existence in India was the cause of all ills in the Indian body politic, and it must come to an end. Moreover, their loyalty to Islam and Islamic countries also demanded the immediate end of British rule in India. They thought that the hold on rich India made it possible for the British to rule over the Muslim countries in the Middle East. The enslavement of India was the cause of British supremacy over all the lands through which the strategic line of imperial communication passed. Therefore, the independence of India meant the liberation of a vast Muslim area.[^77]

The free India that the pro-CongressDeobandi envisioned would be a federation of a number of culturally autonomous religious communities. Each community would administer its own internal affairs in accordance with its religious laws. The federal government which would have adequate Muslim representation would pass no laws that might seem injurious to the religious interests of any community.[^78]

In addition to the traditionalDeobandi , a renowned reformistalim, Shibli Nu’mani, an ardent supporter of pan-Islamism also welcomed the Congress and its demand for broad-based unity among the various religious communities in India. He was critical of the Muslim league for its narrowly conceived political base and won over the support of otherNadvi ulama to the Congress. One of the Shibli’s students, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, declared that the liberation of India from the British is more important than any other religious obligation of Indian Muslims.[^79] The western-educated intelligentsia, particularly the league leadership, in turn believed that theulema were not capable of giving correct leadership in politics to the Muslims. Their plea was that, theulema because of their exclusively traditional education and complete ignorance of the complexities of modern life did not understand the nature of politics as such in the twentieth century. Their sphere of activity was religious and to that end they were expected to confine themselves. Commenting on the role of Muslim League, Jinnah is reported to have said to Aligarh in 1937:

What the league has done is to set you free from the reactionary elements of Muslims and to create the opinion that those who play their selfish game are traitors. It has certainly freed you from those undesirable elements ofMaulvis andMaulanas . I am not speaking ofMualavis as a whole class. There are some of them who are as patriotic and sincere as any others but there is a section of them which is undesirable.[^80]

Thus, there were apparent reasons why theJamiat and the League could not be united. Both, although sincere towards the welfare of the Muslim community, had different approaches to this idea. Therefore, they often distrusted each other.

The Two-Nation Theory of the Muslim League was provided with an emotional vigor and intellectual content by the poet-philosopher Mohammad Iqbal, whose appeal to the Muslim youth was more forceful than that of the traditionalulema . His approach towards the Indian problem was based on reality and he solicited the support of Indian Muslims for the Muslim League.[^81] TheJamiat-ul-ulama i-Hind never conceded the doctrine of the two nation theory as propounded by the League. This was the base of all the League-Jamiat differences. In June 1940, while presiding over the annual session of theJamiat-ul-Ulema at Jaunpur (U.P), Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani reiterated his commitment to united Indian nationalism.[^82] This League-Jamiat difference brought Deoband and Aligarh at opposite poles. When Deoband vehemently opposed partition, Aligarh turned out to be the training center ofMujahidin-i-Pakistan . It is meaningful to note that the major centers of Muslims education, i.e. Deoband and Aligarh in India, representing two different trends in the politico-intellectual life of Indian Muslims since their very beginning, finally collided against each other in molding the ultimate destiny of the Muslims in the Indian Subcontinent.

The Deoband leadership opposed the demand for Pakistan also from the viewpoint of the difficulties its realization would involve in the missionary activities of the Muslims. They believed that because of the Muslim League demand for a separate homeland the atmosphere of hatred created between Hindus and Muslims would hamper the missionary activities of Islam.

Above all, Deoband was convinced that the Western-educated League leadership was exploiting the fair name of Islam for the worldly gain of Muslim vested interests. The credibility of the League’s leadership was questioned for establishment and building of a truly Islamic state.[^83]

History reveals that religion played a vital role in promoting national unity. When coupled with social and economic forces it created powerful national movements. Since the movement for Pakistan was rooted in social, cultural, and religious distinctions between Muslims and Hindus, one might logically expect that Muslim religious parties would have played a major rule in mobilizing the Muslim masses to support the Pakistan Movement. Contrary to this, with very few exceptions, the religious parties bitterly opposed Jinnah and the demand for Pakistan. The Barelvi was, however, the only group to support the Muslim league in its demand for Pakistan and wholeheartedly opposed the Congress as anti-Muslim.[^84]

The pre-partition position of religio-political parties on the Pakistan question contrasts with their present position on religious nationalism. TheJamiat-ul-Ulama stand on the question of Partition was explicitly in favor of a united India. Maulana Maudoodi and theJamiat-i-Islami had rejected nationalism because in his view it led to selfishness, prejudice, and pride. He declared that the demand for Pakistan was un-Islamic and condemned Jinnah for his un-Islamic habits and mentality.[^85] TheJamiat opposed both the League and Congress. Another religio-political party, theMajlis-i-Ahrar, took a similar position. However, unlike theJamaat, it was aligned with the Congress.Jamaat-i-Islami ,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind ,Majlis-i-Ahrar andKhaksar considered Jinnah as an agent of the British and the worst enemy of Islam.[^86]

A rather curious situation confronted the religio-political parties when Pakistan became a reality in 1947. As they had opposed the very creation of Pakistan, these religious groups had to adopt themselves to the changed environment in the newly established Muslim-majority independent state.[^87]

Leading Muslim religious elites preferred to migrate to Pakistan after Partition. The Deoband influence had already reached the areas then the parts of Pakistan. The Barelviulema and the founder of theJamaat-i-Islami, Maulana Maudoodi*,* also migrated to Pakistan after Partition and started religious activities with Karachi and Lahore as their bases. Subsequently, all the religious groups established their ownmadrasahs and also organized themselves politically. In present-day Pakistan theJamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam ,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan ,Jamaat-i-Islami, andJamiat Ahl-e-Hadith represent the cause ofUlama-i-Deoband ,Barelvi, Maudoodi andWahhabi thought, respectively.

Growth of madrasahs since 1947

At the time of independence very fewmadrasahs existed in Pakistan because leading centers of Islamic education were situated in other parts of India. Pakistan inherited a meager 200-oddmadrasahs, which as per the government’s conservative estimates has now increased to over 17,000, although some analysts put this number at 25-30,000. These religious schools are catering to about 2.5 to 3 million students and employ thousands ofmullahs as teachers, mentors, and instructors.[^88]

A key drive of growth in themadrasah sector is said to be poverty, an endemic problem of all developing countries, the menace which the successive governments in the last six decades have vowed to eliminate but failed even to reduce to a manageable level. Interestingly, on the one hand, the country has struggled to improve enrolment in formal schools and has been grappling with the problem of large scale drop-outs at primary and secondary levels. On the other hand, there is a stiff competition going on in the rural areas where Pakistan’s majority of poor live to enroll children inmadrasahs normally situated in cosmopolitan cities and suburban areas. There are three main types of religious institutions in Pakistan: Quranic schools (where only theQur’an is taught), mosque schools (where both quranic and secular subjects are taught), andmadrasahs (where only Islamic learning takes place).[^89]

The mission of themadrasahs in Pakistan is to prepare students for religious duties. Adhering to strict religious teachingsmadrasahs teach Islamic subjects such as theQur’an , Islamic law, and jurisprudence, logic and prophetic traditions.Hafiz-i-Qur’an (the one who memorizes theHoly Qur’an ) orQari (the one who can recite theHoly Qur’an correctly and in a melodic tone) are produced at the lower level ofmadrasahs. The higher level ofmadrasahs producesalim (the Islamic scholar or teacher). Analim certificate from amadrasahs is equivalent to an M.A. degree in Islamic studies or Arabic from a regular university.[^90]

There are five Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan who operate their own systems ofmadrasahs. They areDeobandi, Barelvi, Ahl-e-Hadith, Jamaat-i-Islami andShia . Each of these schools of thought organized thesemadrasahs under different boards, responsible for registration, conduct of examination, and syllabus.

The names of these boards are as follows:[^91]

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia:

This board ofSunni Deobandi institutions was established in 1959 and has its center in Multan.

Tanzim-ul-Madaris:

This board ofSunni Barelvi institutions was established in 1960 and has its center in Lahore.

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia:

This board ofShia institutions was established in 1959 and has its center in Lahore.Shia madaris teachfiqh Jafria named afterImam Jafer Sadiq while othermadaris in Pakistan teachfiqh Hanafia.

Rabitah-ul-Madris-ul-Islamia:

This board was established by theJamaat-i-Islami in 1983, and recognizes themadrasahs of all Islamic thought. They teach more modern subjects. It has its center in Lahore.

Wafaq-ul-Madaris-Al-Salfia:

This board was established byAhl-e-Hadith in 1955 and has its center in Faisalabad.

Table - 2.1

REIs: Affiliation with various Boards, 1988-2000

Source: Ministry of Education Islamabad, 1988, 2000

The two main sects of Sunni Islam,Deobandi andBarelvi, dominate themadrasah system in Pakistan. They originated in the colonial Indian Subcontinent in response to the perceived imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its own version of education. TheDeobandi sect is considered the most conservative and anti-Western.[^92]

The courses in religiousmadrasahs are spread over 16 years and are divided into six grades. The primary and middle grades are of five and three years duration, respectively, while the next two grades are of five years duration each.Darja Ibtidai consists of five years duration and is equivalent to primary level of the mainstream education system.Darja Mutawassit is of three years duration and is equivalent to middle level.Darja Sania Aama is of two years duration and is equivalent to matriculation.Darja Sania Khasa ,Darja Aalia andDarja Alamia are of two years duration each and are equivalent to intermediate, Bachelor, and Master Levels, respectively. The following table shows the religious education system and its equivalence with the mainstream education system.[^93]

REIs Grades of Education;   Table 2.2

Grade

Level

Class

Duration

Equivalence with Mainstream Education Sys.

Ibtidai

Nazira (Primary)

1 - 5

5 years

Primary

Mutawassita

Hifz (Middle)

6 - 8

3 years

Middle

Sania Aama

Tajwid, Qirat (Secondary)

9 - 10

2 years

Matriculation

Sania Khasa

Tehtani (Higher Sec)

11-­­12

2 years

Intermediate

Aalia

Moquf Allah (College)

13- 14

2 years

Bachelor

Alamia

Dora-e-Hadith (Uni.)

15- 16

2 years

Master

REIs stand for religious education institutions

Curriculum in Traditional Pakistani Madrasahs

The syllabus in almost all traditionalmadrasahs conforms to the basic structure and scholarly standard of theDars-e-Nizami . Although different schools of thought adopted it with certain modifications, yet the focus remains on the teaching of traditional religious subjects. A typical model of what is taught inmadrasahs in Pakistan is given as follows.[^94]

First Year:  Biography of the Prophet (PBUH) (Syrat ), grammar (sarf ) syntax (nahv ), Arabic literature, calligraphy, chant illation (tajvid) .

Second Year:          Conjugation-grammer (sarf) , syntax (nahv ), Arabic literature, jurisprudence (fiqh ), logic, calligraphy (khush navisi ), chant illation (tajvid).

Third Year: Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence (fiqh) syntax (nahv ), Arabic literature,hadith, logic, Islamic brotherhood, chant illation*(tajvid* ).

Fourth Year:           Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence (fiqh ), principles of jurisprudence, rhetoric,hadith , logic, history, chant illation (tajvid ), geography of the Arabian Peninsula.

Fifth Year:  Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence, rhetoric, beliefs (aqaid) , logic, Arabic literature, chant illation.

Sixth Year: Interpretation of the Qur’an, jurisprudence, principles of interpretation and jurisprudence, Arabic literature, philosophy, chant illation, study of Prophetic traditions.

Seventh Year:         Sayings of the Prophet (PBUH), jurisprudence, belief (aqaid), responsibilities (fraiz ), chant illation, external study (Urdu texts)

Eighth Year:           Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the Prophet (PBUH).

The course of study in allmadrasahs except that of theShia revolves around the teaching ofHanafi fiqh . Most of the texts are 500 or more years old. These texts are taught with the help of commentaries and super commentaries and glosses or marginal notes (hashiya ), penned by medievalHanafi ulema for South Asian students, who do not know Arabic well. They no longer explain the original text. They are in Arabic. They have to be learnt by heart, which makes students use only their memory, not their analytical powers. Thus, the system functions on the assumption that it should preserve the tradition of the past. This led to the stagnation and ossification of knowledge under theDars-i-Nizami which earned the criticism not only from Western educated critics but also from Arabic-knowing authorities such as Maulana Maudoodi.[^95] Pakistanimadrasahs lay heavy emphasis on the teaching of Arabic and Persian languages. The languages in Pakistanimadrasahs are not taught for their intrinsic worth but because they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are necessary for analim. For this reason, Arabic occupies the center stage. Persian, which was socially and academically necessary in Muslim India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is generally the medium of instruction in Pakistanimadrasahs. However, in the Pashto-speaking part of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pashto is the medium of instruction, while Sindhi is the medium of instruction inmadrasahs in Sindhi- speaking parts of Sindh. Urdu is, indeed, the language in whichmadrasah students become most competent and is the medium of instruction in mostmadrasahs.

Refutation of Other Sects Radd

A major aspect of the course of study in most ofPakistani madrasahs is refutation orradd of other sects. Sectarian violence in Pakistan in the recent past has been attributed to this aspect ofmadrasah education. The sectarian divide has become sharper and more violent in the society because of the inculcation of bias against other beliefs among the followers by the respective sects.[^96]

The theological debate (munazra ) was the feature of religious sects in colonial India which led to the exchange of invective and scuffles among the followers of main debaters but never turned to terrorism as witnessed in Pakistan’s recent history. Though the administration ofmadrasahs usually deny the teaching of any text refuting the beliefs of other sects, they refute other sects through question and answer, interpretation of texts and sometimes teachers recommend supplementary reading material specifically for the refutation of the doctrines of other sects and sub-sects. In most cases, in writings, sermons and conversations, teachers refer to the pioneers of their own “maslaks” so that the views of their sect are internalized and become the primary way of thinking.[^97]

Despite all denials, the printed syllabus of different sects contains the books to refute the beliefs of other sects. The report on the religious seminaries of 1988 lists several books ofDeobandi madrasahs to refuteShia beliefs. There are several books on the debates between theBarelvis and theDeoband and even a book refuting Maudoodi's views. The Barelvis have named only one book: “Rashidiya ” under the heading of preparation for debates on controversial issues. TheAhl-e-Hadith has given a choice of opting for any two of the following courses. The political system of Islam, the economic system of Islam, “Ibn-e-Khaldun,s Muqaddamah ”, the history of ideas and comparative religious systems. TheShia courses list no book on this subject.[^98]

Recently published courses list no book on “maslak ” for Deobandis. TheBarelvi mention comparative religions but no specific books. TheAhl-e-Hadith retains the same courses as before. TheShia madrasahs list books that include comparative religions, thoughShia beliefs are taught as the only true ones. Polemical pamphlets claiming that there are conspiracies against theShias are available. Similar pamphlets, warning about allegedShia deviations from the right interpretation of faith are also in circulation among theSunni madrasahs .[^99]

Moreover, some guide books for teachers note that Quranic verses about controversial issues should be taught with great attention and students should memorize them. In oneBarelvi book it is specified that teachers must make the students note down interpretations of theulema of their sub-sect concerning beliefs and controversial issues, so that students can use them later, i.e. as preachers andulema .[^100] TheJamaat-i-Islami syllabus (2002) mentioned additional books byMaulana Maudoodi and other intellectuals of theJamaat on a number of subjects including thehadith and comparative religions.

The Refutation of Heretical Beliefs and Alien Philosophies

To counter the heresies within the Islamic world and outside influence is the traditional role ofmadrasahs . Several books refuting the beliefs ofAhmedis (Qadianis )[^101] are included in theAliya (BA) course ofDeobandi . TheBarelvis andAhl-i-Hadith , have no such books. However, they refute the beliefs ofAhmedi through the course of comparative religions. TheJamat-i-Islami has also included in its course four books to refute the beliefs of theQadiani. These books are written is Urdu in a polemical style.[^102]

Most religiousmadrasahs refute Greek philosophy and Western thought. TheDeobandi have several books refuting capitalism, socialism, and feudalism. TheJamat-i-Islami strongly refutes Western political and economic ideas and the influence of Western culture on the Muslim world. Though not necessarily taught in themadrasah , such literature is found circulated by almost all sects.[^103]

Students of Traditional madrasahs

While traditionalmadrasahs attracted people from all social classes during theMughal andSultanate period, now thesemadrasahs cater for the children of the lower middle class, the peasantry, and the poor with few exceptions.[^104]   This shift in student composition owes largely to the fact that education in a traditionalmadrasah is no longer seen as providing its students with skill needed for lucrative occupations. Well-off Muslims might send their children to part-time “maktab ” as well as regular schools or might arrange for an alim to come to their homes to teach them theQur’an , and the Islamic rituals but few send them to full timemaktabs ormadrasahs.

As the Muslim education system characterizes rigid dualism between traditionalmadrasahs and modern schools, it is important to note that a fairly large number of middle-class families send one of their sons tomadrasah and the rest to regular schools. Some families known for their Islamic scholarship also carry on in an ancestral tradition by having at least one son trained as analim , while others are educated in schools and colleges.

The students ofmadrasahs belong to families having emotional attachment with the particular school of thought*(maslak* ) that themadrasah represents. The followers of different sects always oppose each other and cannot make a united homogeneous group. Because of weak economic and social backgrounds the students are often reactionary and inflexible in their attitude and seek extremist ways for the realization of their ideological goals.[^105] Their understanding of the modern world is limited because teaching of modern subjects, games, literature, art and extra curricular activities are always ignored in most of themadrasahs. [^106]

Apart frommadrasahs in rural areas the majority of students inmadrasahs in major cities of Pakistan also hail from rural areas. In Karachi themadrasah students represent all the districts of Pakistan. Pashto-speaking students always outnumber any other community. The graduating students are normally 17 to 27 years old. The girl students are on average younger than the boys. One reason for this is that their course duration is shorter than that of boys.[^107] Largermadrasahs attract students from different parts of the country and from different communities. Therefore, they help to promote a sense of Muslim unity and representing internal division on the basis ofmaslak at the same time.

Admission to a traditionalmadrasah is relatively informal. While some have an entrance examination and fixed quotas at each level, others are more flexible. Largermadrasahs have specific dates for application for admission, usually soon after the fasting month of Ramzan. The schedule of admission is advertised through leaflets and wall posters. In smallermadrasah the procedure is much simpler and the students can join at any time of the year. They may not be able to afford to issue advertisements, in which case news of admissions is spread simply by word of mouth. Mostmadrasahs have a somewhat open admission policy with no rigid entrance requirements. Mostmadrasahs charge no fee and also provide food, hostel accommodation and books free of cost.[^108] Thus,madrasahs also serve as a kind of orphanage for those having no elders or relatives.

The students of traditionalmadrasahs are taught strict adherence to the rules of conduct oradab. Dress, food and behavior are regulated according to theSharia and the students are expected to observe them faithfully. Western clothes are frowned upon, and students are expected to grow their beards when they come of age, in imitation of the Prophet (PBUH). The students are more obedient and pay more respect to their teachers as compared to their counterparts in modern educational institutions.[^109] However, in practice, modernization also affects the students ofmadrasahs . Manyulema nowadays complain about the deterioration of the moral standard ofmadrasah students. Increasing materialism and modernization of media are said to be responsible for the deteriorating moral standard ofmadrasahs students.

Graduates of traditionalmadrasahs take up a range of occupations. Many of them go on to teach in their own or anothermadrasah . Some of them join the armed forces of Pakistan as religious teachers andkhatibs . They also get jobs in secondary and higher secondary educational institutions as teachers of Islamic studies and Arabic language[^110] while some of them join family businesses or setupunani medicine clinics. The graduates ofmadrasahs usually maintain links with theiralma mater in various ways. They encourage others to enroll in themadrasah , circulatemadrasah literature representing the religious-political views of the particularmadrasah , and also collect donations for themadrasahs from the public. Thus, the students of themadrasahs are an asset throughout their lives.

Teachers of Madrasahs

In almost all traditionalmadrasahs no rigid rules are applied for the recruitment of teachers. They are often appointed through personal networks and serve as long as the administrator of themadrasah is satisfied with their performance. Allmadrasahs employ those teachers who belong to that particular “maslak ” which themadrasah represents.

Generally, the teachers have the qualification ofalim orfazil course from the traditionalmadrasahs , without having any specialized teacher training. They get meager salaries. The average salary ofmadrasah teacher was two thousand rupees in 2004.[^111] Because of financial constraints many teachers are forced to supplement their income through other means, such as giving tuitions, hiringimamat (leading prayer), lecturing in religious meetings, preparing amulets (ta’wiz ) or working on collection of donations formadrasah on commission. Besides poor service conditions and low salaries the unlimited authority of the administration is responsible for the failure ofmadrasahs to attract the best teachers.

In traditionalmadrasahs there are no rules for the protection of service. Therefore, the administrators ofmadrasahs often impose strict discipline and undue restrictions which curtail the freedom of expression among the teachers. Sometimes, the administrators interfere in their personal lives and exploit their compulsions. In traditionalmadrasahs the teacher student relationship is generally authoritarian, but deeply personal at the same time, somewhat like between a father and son. It often resembles the hierarchical yet close bond between a spiritual preceptor and his disciples. The teacher is considered to be a model for the student to emulate faithfully. Students are taught to hold their teachers in awe and reverence for through them they acquire the knowledge that they believe hold the key to their salvation in this world and in the next. Intricate rules of proper conduct governing relations between teachers and students are elaborated upon in special texts onmadrasah pedagogy which are often part of themadrasah syllabus. Students even serve the teachers to the extent of washing their clothes and massaging their bodies. In turn the teachers are expected to treat their students as their children. In practice, however, some deviations take place from the established norms as some of the teachers are most authoritative and least tolerant in dealings with their students.[^112]

Methods of Teaching

Traditionalmadrasahs follow centuries-old methods of teaching in which the text is the center of all activities instead of the student. Typically, the teacher sits on a low platform, reclining against a bolster, while the student sit below him on mats spread on the floor, placing their books on low tables in front of them. The teacher reads out from the text and asks the students to take turns in reading aloud, and then explains the content of the portions read out. The text is usually in Arabic and the teacher comments on it in Urdu. Although questioning is allowed, dissent and debate are usually unlinked and sometimes discouraged. The study of books of rivalmaslaks is strongly opposed in mostmadrasahs and even leads to expulsion from themadrasah. [^113] This highly restricts the field of study for students and, therefore, mostmadrasah students have little enthusiasm for intellectual research and hardly any expertise in any discipline. Rote learning is emphasized even in purely subjective courses. Students are also encouraged to learn by heart entire speeches on a range of subjects that they occasionally deliver to public congregations or to gatherings at mosques. Great stress is laid upon the intricate problems of Arabic grammar while the application of knowledge for the solution of problems of contemporary needs is generally ignored.[^114] Consequently,madrasahs are usually unable to produce broad-minded and intellectually enriched personalities who have a pragmatic approach towards the changed environment in which they have to adjust themselves. Therefore, leadingmadrasahs now feel the need of reform in their teaching methods.

In a seminar ofMadaris-i-Arabia held inDar-ul-Uloom Deoband on October 29, 1994 a unanimous resolution was passed in which appeal was made to allmadaris to bring meaningful reforms in teaching methods to enable students to adjust themselves to the changing environment.[^115]

Management of Madrasahs

Traditionalmadrasahs are individual enterprises in Pakistan. Largermadrasahs are, however, run by an elaborate hierarchy of functionaries. At the apex is the sarparast (Chancellor), who is also often the founder of themadrasah or his successor, in which case he is generally a direct descendant of the founder. Below him is themuhtamim (Vice Chancellor), who is followed by the sadar madrasah (Dean) and teachers of different subjects. The senior most teacher is the sheikh-ul-hadith who teaches the books ofhadith to senior students. The rector of themadrasah is assisted in his work by a committee of elders (shura ) consisting of seniorulema and teachers, and sometimes of notable Muslims including rich traders, philanthropists and important donors. The members of theshura are generally appointed by the sarparast . Although, in theory, staff appointments are made strictly on the basis of merit and piety, often the management ofmadrasahs is in the hands of the families of their founders. In many cases the founder of themadrasah appoints his own sons or close relatives as his successor. Likewise,madrasah rectors often select their own son or close relative or other members of their own caste as senior teachers. Thus, manymadrasahs come to be seen as family ventures with key posts and access to funds being limited to a narrow circle of friends and relatives, many of whom may not have the religious or intellectual skill needed for the important posts that they handle.

In theory, elaborate rules govern the management ofmadrasahs and all decisions are supposed to be taken through discussion and consensus. In practice, however, things are always very different. The managers and administrators often override the decision-making process for their personal interests. The report of leading psychologists of the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences reveals that the cult culture grown inside theJamia-Hafsa [^116] under the influence of its administrators was responsible for the clash of its students with society and with the state. The report also recommended that seminaries need to be under the education department so that individuals may not use them for their personal interest.[^117]

Many of the people in the religious circles also complain that most of traditionalmadrasahs have degenerated into dens of corruption, nepotism, and dirty politics because of the obsession with power and wealth of their administrators.

Madrasah Finances

Traditionalmadrasahs have run on self-help basis from the time of colonial rule. Thesemadrasahs rely on a variety of sources to meet their expenses. The vast majority depend on local funds which are generated from within the community. Manymadrasahs have land or property endowed to them aswaqfs from which they earn some income. Appeals are regularly issued bymadrasah authorities to Muslims to contribute in cash or kind to themadrasah as a religious duty in the form ofzakat orsadaqa . Such appeals appear in the publications ofmadrasahs. In posters put up on boards outside mosques and on walls in Muslim localities. On the occasion ofBakr-e -Eid , students are sent out to the houses of local Muslims to collect the skins of slaughtered animals which are sold to leather merchants. The money is given to themadrasah. Some people make donations tomadrasah as an act of piety. This is done in different ways i.e. constructing a room in amadrasah or donating fans or coolers or any other items of common use tomadrasahs simply to earn the blessing of God for himself or for deceased relatives. The peasants of the localities also contribute in kind of grains after harvest to help run the localmadrasahs . In smallermadrasahs teachers and even students are sent to neighboring towns and villages to collect donations in cash and in kind. Largermadrasahs appoint special staff to collect funds for themadrasah on commission.[^118] Beside this the administrators also accept financial help from those who earn illegal money which negatively affects the integrity ofulema . The proper use of funds is also not often ensured.[^119]

Government Financial Support

The Government of Pakistan provides financial support to thosemadrasahs, which register themselves for such help. The Ministry of “auqaf ” and Religious Affairs managemadrasah affairs. However, the funds provided by the Government of Pakistan tomadrasahs is negligible as compared to the funds earmarked for government educational institutions. According to details provided by Institute of Policy Studies the government provided fifteen lacs of rupees to religiousmadrasahs of Pakistan during the financial year 2000 to 2001. This amount if divided by the number of students comes roughly equal to one and half rupees per student per year.[^120]

In 2001-02 the government initiated amadrasah reform program at the cost of Rs.5759.395 millions for modernizing the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris by introducing modern subjects, i.e. general science, social studies and computer science. In 2001-02 a total of Rs.1, 654,000 was given to allmadrasahs which accepted this help. As the number of students are 1,065,277, this amount to Rs.1.55 per student per year. An additional aid of Rs.30.45 million was promised for providing for computers and changing the syllabus in 2003-04 and this comes to Rs.28.60 per student per year.[^121] However, since allmadrasahs do not accept financial help from government, the money is not distributed evenly as the above calculation might suggest.

Madrasahs and Society

Madrasahs in Pakistan are not simply educational institutions but social institutions as well.Madrasahs are linked to the wider community through theulema who serve there and play a variety of functions in society. Thus,madrasahs play a vital role in protecting the socio-religious traditions of Muslims in the Subcontinent since the colonial era. A major role ofmadrasahs is to provide guidance to the general Muslim public. Theulema connected with themadrasahs closely interact with Muslims outside themadrasah in their capacity as specialists in Islamic law and theology. The public often seek the opinions ofulema in matters relating to marriage, divorce and inheritance. They are invited to preside over community functions and their names often figure on the boards of various community organizations. They might be requested to solemnize weddings and lead prayers during important festivals, marriages and burials.Madrasahs provide “imams ” and “khatibs ” to almost all the mosques in the country. The teachers and students might travel the nearly localities, instructing Muslims in matters relating to virtues and vices.

Some religious organizations having affiliation with a network ofmadrasahs such asJamaat-u-Dawa, Jamaat-i-Islami, andTahrik-e-Minhaj-ul-Qur’an actively take part in providing social services in society.[^122]

A particularly important function of manymadrasahs is to deliverfatwas in response to specific requests from the public. Severalmadrasahs have arrangements for separateDarul-Ifta offices where “muftis ” deliverfatwas . Requests forfatwas come from the public.Fatwas are often sought regarding social matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, taking interest, or the proper methods of performing various rituals. Sometimesfatwas are also sought relating to the national or international developments, such as thefatwa delivered by manyulema of differentmadrasahs to boycott purchase of American products after the American attack on Afghanistan in 2001.

Fatwas are not binding, though for many Muslims they carry great prestige, as authoritative statements claiming to represent the authentic Islamic position on a particular matter. Still somefatwas do not get the favor of the public. Such as thefatwa declaring modern banking as un-Islamic by manyulema gets little public support. Somemadrasahs regularly publish their collection offatwas in the form of voluminous compendia which are then made available for sale to the general public.

In some of the largermadrasahs, special courts orDar-ul-Qaza, exist, which handle cases in accordance with their understanding of theSharia . Generally, these cases related to family laws.Shariat courts are often cheaper and more expeditious than regular civil courts where litigation is often expensive and long drawn-out. The demand for the establishment ofShariat courts in different parts of the country is the result of the inability of civil courts to deliver cheap and speedy justice to the people. Another important role ofmadrasahs is the publication of religious literature. Somemadrasahs bring out regular religious magazines having wide circulation, while somemadrasahs have separate publication departments and publish different types of literature in different languages, including Arabic, Urdu, and other vernacular languages.[^123] Largermadrasahs have their own printing presses and even their own websites now. Many among theulema have also regularly contributed articles on Islamic themes to widely circulating magazines and newspapers. The dailyJang, Pakistan’s most widely circulating Urdu newspaper began an Islamic page in 1978 to which religious scholars have regularly contributed. Mufti Mohammad Yousaf Ludhianavi, a leading religious scholar affiliated with theJamiat-al-Ulum madrasah of Karachi wrote a weekly question-and-answer column called “Your Problems and their Solutions” for many years. This provided religious guidance to common Muslims on all sorts of issues in a highly simplified style. These and other writings were later compiled and published as a seven volume work under the same title and for a similar target audience.[^124] The publisher introduces this work as follow;

“Your Problems and their Solution”, is the best loved serious column in theJang newspaper. It is the first thing to be read every Friday. God has granted it a popularity such that hundreds of thousands of people not only await it eagerly but consider it a necessary part of their lives. It has brought about revolutionary change in the lives of countless people. Thousands of people have molded their lives according to the life of the Prophet.[^125]

Nowadays the Daily Mashriq, a widely read Urdu newspaper, carries a specialdini supplement on every Friday, which is highly popular among common Muslims. It is eagerly awaited and widely read by common Muslims. Thus, theulema successfully utilize the press for access to the general public.

The foregoing discussion reveals thatmadrasahs have deep-rooted historical relations with the Muslim society in Pakistan. Therefore,madrasahs are not only educational institutions; rather they play crucial socio-political roles in Muslim society. Immediate denial of this role to themadrasahs may lead to polarization and chaos in the society.