Madrasahs in Pakistan [untill: 2005]

Final Assessment

The institution of themadrasah is about a thousand years old. As a system of Muslim education it has always played an important role in the preservation and transmission of Islamic traditions all over the world. It continued to play this role in the lives of millions of Muslims after the arrival of Muslims in the Subcontinent in the eighth century, A.D. However, with the establishment of colonial rule in the Subcontinent, a system of education was introduced which best suited the interests of the rulers. The new system became a rival of traditionalmadrasahs in the Subcontinent. The polarization between the two systems increased subsequently which was observed on every aspect of Muslim life and shaped the politically opposed ideologies of the Muslims who studied in the respective educational systems. The same bi-polar system of education was inherited by Pakistan from colonial India after its independence in 1947. Though playing an important role in the social and religious lives of Muslims in Pakistan,madrasahs always feel isolation at the state level. Therefore, their assertion for a greater role and their relevance in the modern world has long been an issue of debate.

Being a predominantly Muslim country, Pakistan cannot simply wish away nor ignore this important educational sector. The first attempt to integrate the mutually opposed systems and reform centuries oldmadrasah education was made in the early 1960’s, during Ayub Khan’s regime. The attempt, however, failed miserably. The main reasons behind this failure were the lack of understanding between the government and the religious elites and bureaucratic red-tapism.  This move caused greater estrangement between the two sides throughout Ayub Khan’s regime.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, however, tried to appease the clergy by giving them certain concessions through the 1973 constitution. The clergy, however, soon rebelled against Bhutto, too, and most religious parties representingmadrasah leaders actively supported PNA movement which led to the imposition of military rule in 1977.

General Zia-ul-Haq, came to power in July 1977. He enjoyed better relationship with religious circles, partly, because of political expediency and, partly, because of the fast changing international priorities of the super powers in South Asia.

The Afghan revolution of 1978 and the Iranian revolution of 1979 brought far reaching religio-political changes in this region. In the face of new developments the role ofmadrasahs also changed from the socio-religious to religio-political.

Zia-ul-Haq gave certain concessions to theulema by providing financial support tomadrasahs from the Zakat Fund, and equating their final degrees with the M.A degree in Islamiyat and Arabic awarded by the universities of Pakistan. To reform the curricula ofdin-i-madaris and bring them into the mainstream a comprehensive study ofdin-i-madaris was made during Zia regime. The final report of this study which is known as the Halepota Report, proposed the introduction of modern subjects i.e. Urdu, English, general science, mathematics and Pakistan Studies at different stages in thedin-i-madaris . The report also proposed certain changes in the duration of different stages of studies and examination systems to improve their performance and the prospects of graduates ofdin-i-madaris to compete for jobs with graduates of formal educational institutions. The report also carries the proposal for establishment of a National Institute ofdin-i-madaris , which would oversee the function ofdin-i-madaris and works to improve their condition.

All these efforts failed because most of theulema took it as an attempt to reduce their spheres of influence and to deprivemadrasahs of their independence, which they inherited from the colonial era. The harshest reaction to government policies came from the Deobandi school of thought who, besides opposing the changes in curriculum, rejected financial aid from the Zakat Fund. The flow of foreign funds tomadrasahs of different schools of thought during the 1980s strengthened their positions and they started to assert a greater political role, especially after the defeat of the Soviet armed forces in Afghanistan at the hands of religious forces. All democratically elected governments from 1988-1999 grappled with this problem. Thus, the dichotomy in the educational system could not be abolished till the end of twentieth century.

The events of 11th September 2001 increased the importance ofmadrasahs all over the world as the Taliban (students ofmadrasahs ) were considered associated with Usama bin Laden, the alleged mastermind of the September 11th terrorist attacks. In order to neutralize the perception of the world regarding the role ofmadrasahs, the Musharaf government took legal steps to monitor the activities ofmadrasahs and to reform their syllabi by introducing two ordinances. Such moves, however, proved counter productive asmadrasahs became more and more violent with the passage of time.

The Madrasahs Reform Project (MRP) initiated for reforming the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris during the Musharraf regime failed to achieve its objectives, partly because of opposition frommadaris but, mainly, because of the limited preparation for planning and implementation of appropriate measures in a positive manner and the insufficient will of the government to bring about changes in the overall system. The registration drive started by the government to monitor the activities ofmadrasahs and to check increasing militancy and foreign funding was equally unsuccessful. Similarly, efforts undertaken by NGO’s for bringingmadrasahs into the mainstream also received limited response during the past eight years.

The shift in state policy after September 11th 2001 to discouraging militancy for the realization of religio-political objectives broke the traditionalmullah -military alliance. The polarization reached the highest level towards the end of the Musharaf regime as the ITDM refused to hold any negotiations with the government regarding any matter relating tomadrasah reforms.The government’s inefficiency to handle the issue properly is largely responsible for such polarization. Theulema on their part cannot escape the responsibility for the failure of reform efforts during the Musharaf regime as well.

Theulema ’s response to reforms was mainly shaped by the apprehension that the government agenda of reform is being taken at the behest of foreign powers, especially, the USA. Theulema cite the increasing interests of the USA in the religious educational institution in the Muslim world and the earmarking of funds for reforming the religious education system in this regard. Theulema ’s doubts about the sincerity of the government may be partially true. But their absolute resistance to reform their educational system cannot be called logical and their strict adherence to the status quo may not auger well for their own survival.

Madrasahs reform cannot be eluded for long because the demand for it regularly comes from different segments of society, including leading scholars, academics, and intellectuals and also from someulema.

The present government should not abandon the efforts of reformingmadrasahs but should proceed with great caution and ensure its absolute sincerity while undertaking the reform agenda. Before taking further stepsmadrasahs should be taken into confidence and possibly the whole community should be taken on board. Only these measures can ensure the future prospects of reforms.