The Saqifa

Yielding At Saqifa

1) REASONS FOR THE MEETING AT SAQIFA

When help was hidden in rarity, they had lavished it and had made available the aid. For Islam they had made cheap their every dear lives and belongings. They had embraced Islam and with it the starvation of Muslims. They were really the ANSAAR (the helpers) --'Lap of Islam and limbs of the Nation' as the Prophet had termed and his daughter, Zahra, had referred to them in her speech of immortal renown.

A distinction such as this which was only theirs and to them alone, hailed upon them with pride and pride pushed them to greed as soon as they saw the guardianship of Muslims vacant before them.

Now the time, in their calculations, had come to take the reward of what they had sacrificed in the way of Islam. The help and the hospitality they had extended in the past had set them at priority among the Arabs as it had set them at deservation for becoming the rulers.

On the other side of the coin their position was: They had shed blood of Quraish and other Arabs. Their help to Islam in the past could not fool the minds at present. They were the low stratums in society, walking behind donkeys and the donkeys the only source of their livelihood as they carried water to the houses.

Such the Quraish looked down to them from their highest station. Such an oppressed class should be stopped from rising to prosperity and through prosperity to pomp. Besides, they had killed the heroes of Quraish, captivated their men and illaqueated the others till they fell at their swords.

Therefore, as they were proud of their past so they were afraid of that very past. If the Quraish took the government, the ANSAAR would be called on to square the account.

No defense would be given to them nor a power is left to them. The Prophet's words, once uttered, now rang into their ears its echo: "you will confront havoc after my death. You should be patient till you meet me on the Day of judgment." This further distressed them.

Their fears, their distress, their confusion, in short the whole face of the coin, is quite evident in their meeting at Saqifa as one of them, Al-Hubab Bin Al- Mundhir, addressed them saying: "... But we fear what would reach us as a result of your having had killed their sons, their fathers and their brothers..." His presumption came true. When Bani Ommyiads came to power the revenge did take place in the conflict of AL-HARRA.

The shameful events of that conflict set the forehead of honor and humanity to sweat and shun Islam and its people. The third thing, which can not be totally ignored, is: If Ali was a right man for his rightful caliphate; this ANSAAR did share the malice with the Arabs and their hatred towards him.

After the death of the Prophet, the caliphate was more befitting to him than any one else among the Muslims. The Arabs and particularly the Quraish created the setbacks such as disobeying to go into the 32- I have described SAQIFA in my preface. (TRANSLATOR)

Asama's army and not allowing the Prophet to write down what he wanted to write. It seems that some shrewd ones among ANSAAR smelled that something was being cooked and the smell spurred their appetite for the first morsel which did not appear to them a great sin as long as the strangers were fanning the fire under the pot in a kitchen other than that of the owners of the pot.

Furthermore, they did not believe that those who had stolen the pot could be able to retain long to eat their own cooking without being amenable to their action. However, failure was the fate of their attempt and, hence, disappointment the outcome.

As they lost, so they wished the other side too should not again. Therefore, they or some among them said: "We do not yield but to Ali." But it was a day after the fair.

These are the grounds or such stand the reasons which cater any common folk with conviction that it was a race of propensities and inclinations; whether knowingly or without knowing, deliberately or otherwise, were running at tilt under a constant whip of sentiments with blind eyes to see the light of truth -- but only to terminate at personal goals.

The science of psychology too is at our side in this respect. ANSAAR met in a haste and hurry, in camera, at their SAQIFA -- without inviting MUHAJAREEN (emigrants) or consulting the other Muslims. We could not understand as to why and what for? If the motive was other than the 'stolen pot'; then what was it?

The occupation of Ali in that calamity that had resulted by the death of the Prophet served an opportunity for ANSAAR to obtain the authority for their master, Al-Khazraj, or any one else from themselves; and they hurried in their efforts with that abnormal haste in accordance with the leisure that the opportunity had set at their disposal.

2) PSYCHOLOGY OF ANSAAR

In the preceding pages we tried to lay hand on that which reflects the ill will of ANSAAR. But, we, however, presume that their attempt should have had been out of their conjecture which, although, can not be viewed as an excuse from the religious aspect. Hence, we hope that they did it because of no alternative to them. We dwell on this hope, as we do not want to give up a great many number of companions.

The very action itself, whether in a good faith or otherwise, is far from bringing us to a satisfactory conclusion. If at all we go as remote as we can in considering the fact, we have to return back weary and worn out because of the impasse wherein we witness them in a hocus-pocus having a meeting of their own with pre-determination to have a caliph from themselves.

If we are asked; we can only say that it was a betrayal to Islam because of nothing else that we witnessed. If we were to elaborate we would add that it was a transgression upon the Muslims' rights without ground and that too at a time when Islam was hit by a calamity and while Muslims themselves were in a state of quandary knowing not what it would that they would have to confront from their adversaries and Islam's antagonists.

Indeed, we are not in a judiciary council nor shall we sit upon the bench to pass a sentence for them or against them. There might be some that view their action sound and salubrious. We shall not restrain them. We are concerned with the reasons that pushed them to dwell upon that deed of theirs; and what their psychology was-is the core to peep if not be probed.

Their service to Islam is a distinction, which can not be denied to them. And this distinction drove them to conjecture a deservation for the government or the caliphate of the Muslims. We hear it from their own candidate, Sa'ad Bin Ebzda, in his speech as we hear their dread of the revenge of the bloodshed by their hands if the vacancy filled by their adversaries.

They were quite sure that the vacancy should not be filled by one whom it belongs to. Their demand to return to Ali came only when to them there was no return. In these reasons there is a gleam of light if we follow the beam we shall arrive at their psychology. The silent factor that comes to sight is their defense rather than their offence.

Defense tantamount the sensibility to weakness and humiliation. This sensibility itself is a serious illness of an inner being and, hence, a setback for those who attempt victory in life. Doubt in determination, weakness in a will, confusion in conclusion and so forth are the after effects of this sickness; and all were at their full display in them when the SAQIFA had fully displayed them.

Division among themselves, retreat before enemy, and above all, lowering their demand to the level of sharing the office while a contester was yet to challenge them.

I mean before the arrival of MUHAJAREEN because one of them had spoken among them: "Then we shall tell them, if they challenge us, a chief from us and a chief from you; and we shall never accept otherwise."

Sa'ad's opinion to this was: "This is the first weakness." In fact, it was the first and the last as well. Then their lowering continued even after the arrival of Muhajareen as their word kept its utterance while Sa'ad kept remarking to them that it was the first weakness.

This shows the shallowness in their persons and the leniency in their purpose, quite incoherent to be offensive while congenial to a defensive attitude. They did not demand the government to grip over the destiny of nation.

They demanded it to hold the damage from reaching them. Therefore, if defense could be secured by sharing the office, it was enough to them and they wanted no more as they needed nothing else.

To tell the truth, we should not deny what is due to them --lowliness and vileness, immaturity in opinion, incapability of planning, feebleness lurking in their determinations and the dread which the deliberation of Quraish had constituted for them besides its power that had polluted their conception.

Shortcomings such as these were already in their calculations; and, therefore, Al-Hubab Bin Al-Mundhir wanted to conceal them in his speech thus: "O you, the group of ANSAAR! Hold upon you. People are lurking either around you or beneath your shadows. Let not any dwell upon your differences nor determine deterring your decision. You are the men of honor and wealth..." Such he spurred their courage, shunned them from conflict among themselves, and concluded at, "...If they did not agree; then a chief from us and a chief from them." How weak he was that he could not flutter the wings long enough to keep him at the altitudes of glory.

The moment he reaches the height, he falls down over the ground of humbleness and says: "If they did not agree." Well, if they did not agree to share the office either, then what? Nothing; but to give ground -- inch by inch, spot by spot till themselves are out.

So it was and such it happened. Omar Bin Khattab told him: "We do not find any among Muhajareen more courageous at heart, more open at tongue and braver in action than Al- Hubab besides Sa'ad Bin Ebada.

Such was the case with their spokesman, their orator with agile tongue, their man of strong personality and one with opinion." Al-Hubab seems to have had been aware of the gleed yet alive beneath the ashes of differences and feared the spark.

So he said: "Don't differ; your opinion will be spoiled and errand eradicated." Let us see what was on the crawl in hiding.

3) ANSAAR -- Two Parties

If it is said that Ansaar wanted dedition to Sa'ad, it purports that they were Khazraj only and not Aous.33 But Aous gathered at Saqifa with Kazraj; this is the surface of the water.

The thing that had brought them together was the sense of fear that had gripped both the groups against those whose fathers and sons were slain at their hands and now anticipation of revenge had alarmed them if they were to be the losers; But, on the other hand they (Aous) wombed rancor caustic and corrosive towards Khazraj because of the blood not yet dried at their swords, deep wounds not yet healed and the pain yet to be assuaged.

The well known day of BOAAS was the last stage of their engagement in the battles between them which was prior to emigration by six years. According to narration, one of the tribes came to Mecca, after the day of BOAAS, to seek help from Quraish against the opposite group. They came into contact with the Prophet and the contact consequented guidance to them and they accepted Islam.

On the day of the battle of BOAAS Abu Aseed Bin Hadeer was the chief of Aous. This Hadheer spoiled the thing for Sa'ad by submitting to the authority of Abu Baker. Aous too followed him. The chief of Khazraj was Omar Bin Noman -- grandson of the commander of Muslims In the battle of UHOD.34

Islam did not do much to them- neither their rancor relaxed nor ceased their conflict. When the flames of war did not leap long to irritate either side, they were like two famished wolves each are attacking for its own satiety. "Our priority they cannot take away"; the competition of Khazraj used to announce

33- Therefore the historians while narrating the dedition to Aous, say that he defeated Khazraj in contrast to their gathering.

34- Refer to Aqd al-Fareed (2:250)

whenever a word of Aous was heard. Khazraj would not sit idle unless do the same or say much more. Likewise, Aous too; if the winds brought to their ears any thing from the side of Khazraj.35

There was one from Khazraj by name Abdullah Bin Abi-Salool and he was a famous hypocrite. The Prophet spoke among the people thus: "O you the Muslims! Who will apologize me for the man whose hurt, I am told, has reached my people?" Sa'ad Bin Ma'az, the chief of Aous got up and said: "O the Prophet of God! By God, I apologize to you on his behalf.

Had he been from Aous we certainly would have pruned his neck; or had he been from Khazraj we shall carry out your orders about him." It is very interesting to see Sa'ad here ignoring the person and taking the advantage of the occasion against Khazraj. This indicates how hatred rankled between these two sides. Then, the chief of Khazraj, Sa'ad Bin Obada got up and addressed to Ibn Ma'az: "By God, you lie.

You will not kill him nor are you able to kill him although he is from your party, but you do not want him to be killed." Then Aseed Bin Hadheer, cousin of Sa'ad Bin Ma'az, addressed to Bin Obada: "By God, you lie. We shall certainly kill him.

You are a hypocrite and argue about hypocrites." Upon this both the sides, Aous and Khazraj, scuffled and reached the point of killing one another while the Prophet was on the pulpit. He came down and departed them.36

This we narrated to show the intensity of the competition between these two parties, Aous and Khazraj. Sa'ad Bin Obada, the chief of Khazraj, took the initiative on the day of Saqifa to lean towards Aous under the appellation of Ansaar (helpers) in order to create a front against the two rivals, Muhajareen and Quraish. So, addressing his enemy he said to Ansaar: "O. the group of Ansaar! You have a background as well as a priority in religion which lacks every other tribe of Arabs."

He meant Muhajareen. He proceeded in his speech beating this very sensitive string that it enchanted all as they all said: "We shall not deviate from your orders whether you succeed in your opinion or sustain a hurt in your word. We vest you with our affair. You are cogent to us and good to the faithful."

Then in the exchange of words it was decided: "We shall tell them that we would have a chief from us and you have one from you" in case if Quraish were to win the day. Upon such a division of opinion Sa'ad announced: "It is the first sign of weakness." They did not pay much heed to Sa'ad and went on in their procrastination till they were overrun by Muhajareen. Muhajareen would have gained the events had they hurried to such a meeting.

Opportunity was extensive enough to establish the authority and to get it recognized and acknow- ledged which in itself would have been a blow to Muhajareen. But the long existing differences between their two groups kept them from gaining a stand among themselves and kept them at margin rather than doing away with the 35- Al-Tabari (3:7) Ibn Al-Athir (2:66)

36- Refer BUKHARI (2:66 & 3:24)

contents. So, the time passed which is fatal in matters such as these. As a matter of fact, Aous were not happy to yield to Sa'ad. Their stubbornness in their arrogance with Khazraj in every thing -- little or large, trifle or trash, was the reason of their own suffering of the loss although they did their best to conceal the difference.

They shunned to be called: "Aous and Khazraj" because of the division that the word demonstrated and which did not fit the spirit of Islam. So, both the sides dwelled as long as they could at ceremony. Therefore, as soon as they found room to jump, they crushed the interests of Sa'ad and all that Khazraj had endeavored to group.

Furthermore, they detected that the difference dawned on the hemisphere of Khazraj in the speech of Basheer Bin Sa'ad al-Khazraj and his festination in dedition to Abubaker. Another happy element to them was the voices came out from throats not theirs but those of Muhajareen and which spoke against Sa'ad.

At this juncture their innate difference with Khazraj made itself manifested as their leader, Aseed Bin Hadheer, told them: "Had you once set Sa'ad free upon you, he would have dominated you forever retaining superiority for his side and leaving you nothing to share. So, better surrender to Abubaker's authority.

Hence, Asa'd acknowledged power to Abu Baker and Aous too did the same. Here one might ask as to whether did they get any share in their resignation to Abu Baker? They got only gratification for spoiling the game to their competitor under the pretext that the competition of kinship was of stronger influence -- meaning Abubaker who was from Quraish as the Prophet was.

On the other hand, Abu Baker can not be defrauded of his due in bringing Aous closer to Muhajareen. He stood in the middle and maintained such a balance as though he knew which side his bread is buttered. As he went an inch ahead, he retreated an inch behind. The competition between Aous and Khazraj was fully utilized by him as a balance rod necessary in walking over a rope.

He said: "This is a thing if Khazraj laid hand upon, Aous too will extend their hands towards it; and likewise if this thing is availed by Aous, Khazraj would not sit idle.

There had been bloodshed between them which is still fresh in memories and the wounds yet to be healed. If any among you shouted, he purports to reside between the jaws of a lion either to be chewed by a Muhajir or wounded by an Ansaar.37 Such he played and so he gained.

The blood that was shed in the past now gushed out in the memories; the graves in the cemetery of oblivion were dug and the long buried coffins of rancor and malice were brought out to lament afresh; every deposit that could provoke pain anew was pulled out from the folds of hatred, presented in the tray of revenge and each offered to the other.

Entertained such in a hospitality of hostility not only that of the opposite side but that of Muhajareen each hit the other either by tongue or by treason as described by Ibn Dab Esa Bin Zaid. The meeting was held by Khazraj; the claim was laid by Khazraj; but the 37- AL-BYAN WA TIBYAN (3:181)

whole sport of Saqifa was spoiled as it turned a soil for Aous as well as Khazraj to harvest the enmity -- the fruit of the tillage of themselves, their fathers and their ancestors.

We better leave these Ansaar at Saqifa in their brawl and go to Muhajareen and other Muslims at the Prophet's house to see what they were doing there.

4. WHETHFR MOHAMMED. THE APOSTLE HAS DIED?

It was the last day in his life when he had come out and led the prayers and the last of him that the people had seen of him -- a dear appearance, a divinely light!

The sun of this earth was setting in the horizon of truth. Now the Prophet was bed ridden and his household members around him and their fate around them while the people outside and the door closed.

It too was a day. But what a day for the people of Madina and the Muslims. They lost. What a bounty it was. They lost mercy. They lost humanity. Their glory, their greatness, the vein of their life; they lost by losing him. The path of God candescent with truth was he that they had lost.

The great prophet-their generous father; now they had no more. It was a great day in grief because of the great loss. It became a common saying on any occasion of their grief: "It is a day as the day of the death of the Prophet."

What could be expected of Muslims; some time hearing the wailing from behind the door, then rushing to the mosque either to gather there or get scattered into the ways and by lanes -- looking at the ground with heads down cast; not an eye to be seen without a tear nor a heart without a pain, a breathe frequented into and from their bodies suppressed under a load of sigh. They were waiting.

And nothing was there to belie the approaching havoc had they known that hour that the course of their lives was changed; they would have rather relaxed. But the uncertainty about the future and their new religion which was still swinging in the cradle of the peninsula had incensed their minds. Hypocrites were in ambush armed with their determination. A chasm to be filled and who to lead the nation. Their hands each went into the other as they lay upon their heads.

These thoughts and these fears, without doubt, had gripped the heads among those crowds waiting in perplexity at the door of the house of God's prophet where Gabriel hailed with revelation, anxious to know what the next.

They, in that confusion, were no better than a herd left scattered in a night of winter And in such a quandary amidst such crowds appeared a man of iron, the Companion of the Prophet, Omar Bin Khatab, rejecting in total the death of the Prophet and stood to challenge all who dared to believe in the Prophet's death.

He shouted denying and threatened whoever hesitated to deny; and, thus shattered their thoughts and scattered their senses. He announced to the crowds: "The Prophet of God has not died nor shall die unless his religion overturns all religions. He will certainly return and will amputate hands and legs of people who utter balderdash of his death. If one says the Prophet has died, I shall kill him by my sword." Could one, in the quietude of his thoughts, be able to convince himself of the gist of such a theory presented by Omar at the vigor of threat?

We are far from understanding as to why the Prophet will amputate hands and legs of those who prattle about his death. On what crime one deserves to be killed by the sword of Omar? How and from where it was known that the Prophet will not die unless his religion overruns all the religions?

And, the return; what is this? Return after death or returns after absence like that of Moses? In some narration Omar Bin Khattab is reported to have given a similitude of the return of Moses. But there was no absence at all. The Prophet was in his bed in his house among his household members.

But my opinion gives me some other suggestion, which appears convincing and cogent. Had I been in the folds of those crowds and in a situation as that, I too would have been swept like all the others in the current of those words to the farthest extent? The speaker is Omar Bin Khattab. His words are revolting against the gloom and the gloom is undesirable to the people.

There is a strong determination to reject the tragedy. This is what the mood of the people was -- rather the tendency of hour in that particular motion of time. The people hung to this gleam of hope that the Prophet was alive and that his religion was to overtake all the religions.

In his words there was a promise to the people that of the Prophet's return and at the same time a warning that of amputation of their hands and legs if they dwell upon his death; besides an open threat from himself that of death to those if they were to utter the Prophet's death.

Dread and hope when go hand in hand with the firm paces of determination, exercise a great influence on the thoughts of crowds. They calm their nerves and comfort their anxiety. Particularly death is a single episode wherein doubt has much to play and hesitation scarcely less to make friends believe the loss of one who to them so dear. Since it is an ultimate alternative and no other way out, one resigns to acknowledge the suffering; else it is not easy.

Sudden news that collects crowds exempts them from ordinary rules and conditions. A gathering that comes into a concourse with disturbed minds and confused thoughts, struck by a heavy blow of loss, neither knows what to be expected next nor could anticipate where they stand; is always governed by a spirit and that spirit overrules individual inclinations because it has to yield to the influence and become dirigible to its directions.

Reason has no province before the words and the mood of concourse is so maudlin that any unrespectable change could become possible because of the power generated by the effusion of sentiments in words. A blind imitation is the reciprocation common to all -- other a binding on all.

Therefore, whatever idea presented to them is accepted as consideration being out of ken. The idea, however absurd or wrong, holds water in accordance with the personality of speaker and the strength of determination on display.

Hence, the Muslims that day became convinced with Omar's opinion. We do not wonder at their satisfaction as much as we do at the very opinion itself. Although history does not narrate openly about their conviction with Omar's statement but it equally does not mention anybody's objection to him for such an egregious statement.

Indeed, Abubaker who came late contradicted him. Anyway, the least that Omar achieved that day was that he created doubt among the crowds about the Prophet's death. It can clearly be imagined that the crowds hit by such a grief should have had certainly surrounded him with all their multitude as they saw in his words a glimpse of hope about a news which they were hesitant to accept.

A man who gives hope in disappointment will be of course the cynosure of eyes. As the astonishment gathered the crowds around him he went on with his thundering and lightening till his mouth ejected foam. Let us scrutinize the words Omar said.

The word 'balderdash' has a great effect in repudiating the thoughts and making the people to feel ashamed for having had entertained such a thought about the Prophet which shows enmity rather than friendship with him and Islam.

When Abu Baker arrived at the scene from AL-SANAH38 he had to go inside the Prophet's house and reveal the shroud from the Prophet's face so as to ascertain his death. This indicates the extent of the effect of Omar's word among the people. Then, Abubaker came out of the Prophet's house and belied to the people what Omar had told them.

On the other hand, he was swearing too that the Prophet had not died. Abu Baker asked him to sit down. He did not sit. Thrice he was ordered and thrice he ignored. Then Abubaker told him: "O You who swears! Be calm. "Then Abubaker addressed the people. Omar still continued; and the people left him alone."

Abubaker announced: "Whoever was worshipping Mohammed has died. Whoever worships God; God is alive and does not die..." Then he recited this verse from Quran:

"If he died or were slain, will you then turn back on your heels?" (Chap. 3 verse 139)

When the people heard Abubaker they felt relieved as though released from a strain. All of them recited the verse and there remained none who did not recite. Omar threw himself over the ground, as he appeared to acknowledge the death of the Prophet and became certain to him that the verse was from Quran.

Well done; O you, son of Khattab! It is not surprising as long as we know him. He stood a stand swearing, threading, to deny an open fact. We do not know whether Islam did not disclose to him the reality of Mohammed? Why did he classify the words, whoever uttered about the Prophet's death, as meaningless?

But he tried to convince the people that the Prophet was absent as the apostle

38- It is at a distance of one mile from the mosque (as per Ayesha's indication) which corresponds with that we read in MOJEMUL BULDAN, Sanah is one of the high grounds or altitudes of Madina at a distance of three or four miles (as per ALMOJEM'S indication).

Moses was and that he would return and cut the hands and legs. Let us ask him what absence was that?

After those threats and determined declarations how quickly he believed and easily surrendered to the news announced by Abu Baker who neither attested him nor belied him. Did not he say that the Prophet would not die unless overcome his religion all the religions; then what proof did he find in that Quranic verse that convinced him to the extent of rolling down over the earth? The verse does not indicate that he was dead.

What astonished more is his apology the next day as he says: "What I said yesterday was my own opinion. I did not see that in the Book of God nor was that a trust vested in me by the Prophet of God.

But it was my desire for a longer life to the Prophet so that to hold us and be himself the last one among us to die."39 This feeble hope and that forcible hazard of killing at hearing the nonsense talk about the Prophet's death neither concur nor correspond. And this serene and sober apology for that strident challenge creates a question mark if not a bewilderment.